Undated photo of Iran's ruler Ali Khamenei speaking to loyal clergy and IRGC officers
If you had asked Donald Trump’s former Iran envoy Elliot Abrams last year how he assessed Iran's strength, he would have told you its fearsome array of armed affiliates was a powerful guarantee of its staying power.
“I would have thought Iran is riding high," the veteran US foreign policy hawk said. "Their system of terrorist proxies in the region is a brilliant system and it's working,” Abrams, the former special representative for Iran during the first administration of Donald Trump told Iran International on Eye for Iran.
Now, he says, its fortunes are at a low ebb.
The sudden uprooting of Iran’s most important Arab ally, Syria's President Bashar al-Assad, demonstrates just how brittle Iran may be.
“Iran made many advances, but now in the last year in particular, a lot of it has collapsed. Iran looks more isolated and weaker today,” said Abrams.
"This must be a terrible, terrible turn of events to have lost Assad, your only real important Arab ally, to have lost Hezbollah as a fighting force after, who knows, $40 billion dollars of investment over decades, to have lost the Arab figure closest to you, [Hassan] Nasrallah,” he added.
Days after taking credit for the collapse of Assad in Syria, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addressed the people of Iran in his latest of a series of video messages to Iranians, saying the downfall of the Islamic Republic is near.
“Your oppressors spent over $30 billion supporting Assad in Syria, and only after 11 days of fighting his regime collapsed into dust,” Netanyahu said.
Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in a speech this week characterized talk of Iran’s weakening position in the Middle East as criminal, vowing with little apparent grasp of the enormity of his loss that Syria could be won back.
"The territories that have been seized in Syria will be liberated by the brave Syrian youth. Have no doubts that this will happen," Khamenei said, refusing to acknowledge the failure of the so-called axis of resistance.
Such enormous upheavals seemed unthinkable only days ago.
Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Aragchi met with Assad on Dec 2. as Islamist-backed forces were just beginning their lightning march to victory. Assad was distressed and allegedly admitted that his army was too weak to fight, according to Reuters, citing a senior Iranian diplomats.
The collapse of Syria now allows Israel room to launch strikes on Iran, unencumbered by Assad's air defenses - which the Jewish state attacks along with hundreds of other military infrastructure targets this week.
“They're clearing the route to fly. There are no air defenses now, something they [Israel] used to have to worry about," Abrams said.
"They've destroyed the air defenses that Assad had built up. They've shown they've destroyed the S-300 system in Iran itself,” he added, referring to Russian-provided air defenses knocked out in Israeli strikes on Iran on October 26.
“What happened in Syria," said Abrams, "should remind the West that these regimes are like the Soviet regime. No matter how strong they appear, no matter how large their army, they're fundamentally brittle because inside, everyone knows that the people of the country want the regime to fall.”
Iranians took to the streets in nationwide protests in 2022 after the death of Mahsa Jina Amini who died while under police custody for allegedly not wearing the country’s mandatory hijab properly.
A survey conducted in 2023 by Gamaan, a Netherlands-based institute, found that 60 percent of Iranians want a different leadership or "transition from the Islamic Republic".
The demise of Syria's dictatorship after half a century of family rule seemed a distant prospect two weeks ago and that is precisely why Abrams believes the future may be bleak for the Islamic Republic.
“I think we cannot predict it. Who a month or two ago was predicting the fall of Assad? Who predicted the fall of the Soviet regime?”
Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is seeking to sell oil stored in China before US president-elect Donald Trump can block sales with tougher sanctions, an informed source told Iran International.
Iranian authorities have instructed the IRGC to sell the sanctioned oil stored at Dalian Port in northeast China through intermediary firms, the source speaking on condition of anonymity said.
“The directive stems from concerns that a return of Donald Trump to power and the reimposition of his ‘maximum pressure’ policy might freeze access to these reserves, estimated to be worth around $1 billion," the source said.
"The sale of these reserves is reportedly being facilitated through financial guarantees provided by Iranian companies operating in China.”
Data from tanker-tracking firm Vortexa shared with Iran International show that after a decline in oil sales, Iran's floating oil reserves have surged from approximately 36 million barrels in mid-September to 48 million barrels this month - an increase also valued at nearly $1 billion.
Per the Iranian budget, at least 12.6 billion dollars of Iran's oil exports are earmarked for the IRGC, empowering the paramilitary body to sell the oil to Chinese customers and use the revenue to bolster its armed capabilities and militia allies in the Middle East.
Iran’s oil, sanctioned by the United States and its allies, is often rebranded using tankers from a so-called dark fleet.
Often in Malaysian and Singaporean waters, it is relabeled as oil originating from Iraq, the United Arab Emirates, Oman or particularly Malaysia. This rebranded oil is then shipped to China’s smaller independent refineries, known as teapots.
Shandong Port in China serves as the primary hub for this rebranded oil. However, tanker-tracking companies have observed a significant rise in shipments to Dalian Port this year.
The US Treasury Department this month blacklisted 45 tankers for aiding Iran in circumventing sanctions. According to industry sources, these tankers were primarily used to transport Iranian oil to Shandong Port.
Despite this, over 100 large vessels remain unsanctioned in the dark fleet remain unsanctioned according to Vortexa data and continue to carry Iranian oil to China, albeit at reduced volumes.
Iran International reported earlier this month that Iran's daily oil exports had dropped by over half a million barrels per day (bpd) compared to September, falling to approximately 1.3 million bpd in November.
Data from Kpler, a commodity analytics firm, shows that Iran’s average daily oil exports this year stood at about 1.6 million barrels, with almost all of the exports directed to China.
This marks an increase of 300,000 bpd compared to last year. However, the volume of oil delivered to China has plummeted in recent weeks. Additionally, Iran has ceased oil shipments to Syria following the fall of Bashar al-Assad.
Tanker Trackers recently reported that, coinciding with Assad’s downfall, the last Iranian oil tanker carrying 750,000 barrels returned from the Suez Canal to Iran.
The future of Iran's oil exports to China remains uncertain. Yet, Vortexa data shows that Iran's unsold floating oil reserves continue to rise.
Most of Iran's floating oil is stored in Singaporean waters, awaiting brokers and buyers for shipment to China.
The drop in Iran's oil exports to 1.3 million barrels comes as the government, led by Masoud Pezeshkian, plans for daily exports of 1.85 million barrels next year.
Before US sanctions in 2018, Iran exported 2.5 million bpd. This figure plummeted to 350,000 bpd by the final months of Donald Trump's presidency in 2020. However, Iran’s oil exports gradually increased under his successor.
Top figures in the incoming Trump administration have pledged to renew his maximum pressure policy against Iran.
As rebels gained in the days before Bashar al-Assad's flight from Syria, his appeal for help from Moscow was rebuffed but the veteran autocrat held off seeking Iranian military support to avoid triggering Israeli retaliation, Reuters reported.
In the days leading up to his downfall Assad sought military aid from Russia, whose intervention in Syria's civil war in 2015 swung the conflict in his favor.
On November 28, Assad traveled to Moscow to plead for military intervention following a rapid advance by Syrian rebel forces, including the capture of Aleppo by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) Islamists.
However his request was dismissed by the Kremlin, with Russia unwilling to engage further militarily, according to three regional diplomats cited by Reuters.
Despite the rejection, Assad reportedly misled his commanders, alleging that military support from Moscow was imminent. Hadi al-Bahra, head of Syria’s opposition abroad, cited sources within Assad’s inner circle confirming Moscow had rejected the request.
The Kremlin has since said that its priority is now the conflict in Ukraine, with spokesperson Dmitry Peskov emphasizing Russia’s earlier efforts to stabilize Syria.
Four days after Assad's Moscow visit, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi met with Assad in Damascus.
By then, Assad’s forces were in disarray, and he admitted to Iranian officials that his army was too weak to resist the rebels. However, Assad refrained from requesting direct Iranian military deployment to avoid provoking Israeli retaliation against Iranian forces or even Iran itself, according to senior Iranian officials cited by Reuters.
The ouster of President Bashar al-Assad, whose family had ruled Syria for over five decades, dealt a significant blow to Iran, depriving Tehran of one of its oldest and most reliable allies. Damascus was a critical link in Iran's so-called "Shi'ite Crescent," which extended its influence through Iraq and Syria to its Lebanese ally, Hezbollah.
Ultra-hardliners have vented frustrations in online forums like Telegram and Eitaa, questioning why flights and supply routes to Damascus were halted and why the Qods Force failed to act decisively.
Iranian politicians and media are now grappling with the implications of Assad's fall on Tehran’s future ties with Damascus. The government is also under pressure to justify Syria's significant financial and military investments since 2011.
Donald Trump’s maximum pressure policy was never aimed at regime change, his last special envoy for Iran told Iran International. It was about making a deal.
Achieving a comprehensive plan to halt Iran’s nuclear and regional ambitions is likely the endgame for Trump’s second presidency, said his former special representative for Iran during the first Trump administration.
Elliott Abrams, a veteran hawk, told the Eye for Iran podcast that most people remember maximum pressure but do not properly comprehend what the goal was.
“For better or worse, it was not the overthrow of the regime,” said Abrams “His criticism of the Obama deal was that it was time bound, and it was not comprehensive. It didn't deal with Iran's missile program or Iran's support for terrorism.”
The president-elect is still striving for such a deal, according to Abrams.
The former Iran envoy fears Trump’s zeal for a deal could get him dragged into meaningless negotiations which buy Tehran time to advance its nuclear program.
Tehran
“Iran will trap him [Trump] in negotiations that will go on and on and on and on and on while they are trying to advance with their nuclear program.”
Iran Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said that they are prepared to cooperate with the United Nations nuclear watchdog. Araghchi made the remarks during a telephone conversation with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)’s Director-Genral Rafael Grossi on Monday.
Trump’s former Iran envoy believes Iran's sudden willingness to cooperate with the IAEA after shunning its inspectors and boosting its uranium stockpile is all part of Iran’s plan to get the president-elect to the negotiating table.
Abrams sees some of Trump’s cabinet picks like senator Marco Rubio for secretary of state and Mike Waltz as national security adviser as guards against any feints by Iran. Both are seen as hawkish Republicans and long-standing critics of Iran.
“They have robust records of understanding Iran and understanding the evil of the regime. And so, they are obstacles to that happening, which is a very good thing,” he said. "I'm just hoping that people like Waltz and Rubio will say to the president when he becomes president again, this is the Iranian game. Don't fall for it.”
But the possibility of the president-elect being fooled is not inconceivable, according to Abrams, and the new administration will have some divergent voices such as Tulsi Gabbard, Trump’s pick of director of national intelligence. Gabbard has expressed sympathy for the outlooks of Syria’s former ruler Bashar Al-Assad and Russian president Vladmir Putin.
“The regime in Tehran knows this and they're very clever and they will try to play off of this,” added Abrams.
The choices the Islamic Republic faces are difficult.
With Iran’s axis of resistance clearly on the backfoot after 14 months of Israeli attacks, the loss of its most important Arab ally Syria after Assad's swift collapse and Israel's destruction of Iran’s air defense and missile facilities in October leaves Tehran with little room to maneuver.
Will Iran decide to cooperate with the US and adopt a more dovish tack? It seems unlikely to Abrams, who also worked with George W. Bush on US policy in the Mideast.
This spanned the invasion of Iraq over the threat from weapons of mass destruction which were never found, leading to the deaths of thousands of American troops and hundreds of thousands of Iraqis in a war critics say sapped US influence abroad.
A dash to become a nuclear power is the more likely and worrying scenario, he said, cautioning that the Soviet Union’s nuclear status did little to stop its collapse.
Abrams said Tehran must now ask itself in the words of Henry Kissinger: “will they decide to be a nation rather than a cause?"
US President-elect Donald Trump is exploring measures to stop Iran from developing nuclear weapons, including potential airstrikes, a shift from traditional diplomacy and sanctions, according to the Wall Street Journal.
"The military-strike option against nuclear facilities is now under more serious review by some members of his transition team," WSJ reported Friday.
Trump has expressed concerns about a potential Iranian nuclear breakout during recent calls with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, according to two sources familiar with their discussions, The Wall Street Journal reported, indicating he is seeking strategies to prevent such an outcome.
Also on Thursday, in an interview with Time magazine, Trump refused to rule out the possibility of war with Iran, despite his campaign statements opposing the use of force to overthrow Tehran's theocratic government.
When asked by a Time reporter about the likelihood of war with Iran, referencing allegations by US law enforcement that Iran had sought to assassinate him, Trump responded: "Anything can happen. Anything can happen. It's a very volatile situation."
The Israeli Air Force is reportedly increasing its preparations for potential strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities, viewing the weakening of Tehran's proxies and the fall of the Assad regime in Syria as strategic openings, according to the Times of Israel. Israeli military officials see these developments as creating new opportunities to address the Iranian threat.
Meanwhile, US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, speaking in Tel Aviv on Thursday, reaffirmed Washington’s stance on Iran. He emphasized that the US “remains vigilant against the continuing threat from Iran, including the threat from its nuclear program.” He pointed to the US government’s commitment to ensuring that “the United States of America will never permit Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon.”
Sullivan also said that the balance of powers in the Middle East has shifted dramatically, leaving Iran and its allies in a weaker position while strengthening Israel.
“The balance of power in the Middle East has changed significantly and not in a way that Sinwar or Nasrallah or Iran had planned,” Sullivan said, adding, “We are now faced with a dramatically reshaped Middle East in which Israel is stronger, Iran is weaker, its proxies decimated, and a ceasefire that is new and will be lasting in Lebanon that ensures Israel’s security over the long term.”
Iranian politicians and media are grappling with the implications of Assad's fall on Tehran's future relations with Damascus. Simultaneously, the Iranian government is attempting to justify its substantial expenditures in Syria since 2011.
Both developments are overshadowed by the broader changes and challenges Iran faces in this new geopolitical reality, which has prompted a shift in the rhetoric of some analysts and officials.
Hassan Beheshtipour, a conservative commentator who frequently appears on Iran's state TV, told Nameh News that Assad had distanced himself from Iran in recent months under the influence of the United Arab Emirates. He explained that the UAE had convinced Assad that, while Iran stood by him during the long war, his Arab neighbors could provide stronger support in times of peace.
Beheshtipour described the future of Iran-Syria relations as uncertain, warning of a rocky path ahead marked by potential instability in Syria and the region. He added that Syria's transitional period could extend for an extended and unpredictable duration.
While many Iranian commentators outside Iran, such as Ali Hossein Ghazizadeh, speaking to Iran International TV, have predicted that Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei could be the next to exit the regional political scene, the state-monitored media in Tehran avoid discussing such scenarios. For them, analyzing the impact of Assad's fall on Iran's political future remains a taboo subject.
Meanwhile, numerous Iranian commentators outside the country, including Morad Veisi, Mehdi Mahdavi Azad, Jaber Rajabi, and Mohsen Sazegara, have highlighted widespread dissatisfaction among Iranians over the estimated $30 to $50 billion that Khamenei has allocated to support Assad in Syria. Within Iran, Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh, the former chairman of the National Security and Foreign Relations Committee in parliament, had been one of the few politicians bold enough to openly criticize Khamenei for this substantial expenditure. However, he now appears to have softened his stance, possibly due to political pressure.
In an interview with Iranian media earlier this week, widely covered by various outlets, Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh suggested that Iran should work to restore diplomatic ties with Syria as a way to reclaim the billions it has spent in the country. However, convincing the incoming government in Damascus—once formed—to repay the funds provided to the ousted president will likely prove challenging. Moreover, even if Bashar al-Assad had remained in power, Iran was unlikely to formally pursue such a claim.
Falahatpisheh also revealed that he faced insults and threats from certain Iranian politicians when a few years ago he initially spoke out about Tehran's multi-billion-dollar expenditures in Syria.
In another development government spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani told the press on Tuesday that the spending in Syria was meant to serve Iran's national interests. However, she made it clear that such decisions are made by officials higher up in the system [meaning Khamenei] and the presidential administration simply carries out those decisions.
Both Beheshtipour and Falahatpisheh advised Iran to steer clear of political developments in Syria for the time being and commended the decision to abstain from military intervention to save Assad. Beheshtipour cautioned that Syria could become a quagmire for Iranian forces, while Falahatpisheh praised the restraint shown in ignoring calls from hardliners, including members of the ultraconservative Paydari Party, who last week and over the weekend urged for troops to be deployed to Syria.
Beheshtipour also suggested that Iran and the broader "axis of resistance" should explore alternative routes outside Syria for maintaining communication and logistical networks. Additionally, he proposed that Tehran work with Turkey, Russia, and the United States to establish a democratic political order in Syria. However, he did not elaborate on why these major players would be inclined to involve Iran in such a process.
Addressing the same issue, Hossein Ali Hajideligani, a conservative member of the Iranian parliament, remarked: "The presence of the conquerors of Syria poses a significant challenge for us. If we cannot continue our past activities in Syria, it is natural that they, too, will be unable to sustain their efforts in the long run."