Iran International
An annual cultural celebration of women and mothers in Iran falling on the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad's daughter Fatimah has galvanized critics of the theocracy's rights record for women even as supporters come to its defense.
After the 1979 revolution, the holiday replaced the pre-revolution tradition of observing Mother’s Day on December 15 as well as March 8, International Women’s Day.
The official website of Iran’s Supreme Leader published a message praising Fatimah as a model of “piety, justice-seeking, jihad, guidance, wifehood and motherhood.”
Across the country this year, state schools and government offices held ceremonies honoring Fatimah’s virtues and celebrating mothers and women, complete with religious speeches. The Social Security Organization also distributed a small cash gift—worth roughly $10—to women covered by retirement support programs.
But many women — and some men — responded to the government’s pageantry with sharp criticism.
'Absurd without rights'
A woman named Homa Dokht challenged the very premise of the day, pointing to Fatimah’s childhood marriage in a video posted on X.
Congratulating Mother’s Day on Fatimah’s birthday is absurd, she argued, because it is tantamount to endorsing child marriage, referring to accounts that place Fatimah’s marriage at age nine and childbirth around age ten.
“In a country where women and girls are deprived of their most basic rights, congratulating this day is foolish,” she added, highlighting systemic legal inequalities faced by Iranian women.
“For the smallest things — like enrolling children in school, opening a bank account for them, or even getting their exam results — only the father is qualified (legally),” she said. “And if a child needs surgery, only the father’s or paternal grandfather’s signature is valid.”
For activists, the contrast between state-sanctioned celebrations and daily lived realities encapsulates a central grievance: symbolic reverence for motherhood does not translate into legal equality.
Iran mandates women wear the Islamic face veil, even as enforcement had slackened in recent year. A young woman named Mahsa Amini whose death in morality police custody stoked mass protests in 2022. The unrest was quashed with deadly force.
Iranian law, which Islamic authorities say is based on religious precepts, systematically prioritizes men in criminal, family and financial cases.
Gender equality activist Leila Forough Mohammadi wrote on X: “On a day named for women, a single woman, a divorced woman, a woman without children simply does not exist — as if she is incomplete.
"Here, the system defines the woman only as spouses, and bestows the highest status on a woman whose reproductive role serves the population policy,” she added.
Iran ranks 143 out of 146 countries in the latest World Economic Forum Global Gender Gap Report.
Amnesty International has documented systemic gender discrimination in Iran in its 2024 report, including up to 74 lashes for defying hijab rules and frequent impunity for honor killings.
Mansoureh Hosseini Yeganeh, a women’s rights activist based in the UK, wrote: “We want not just Mother’s Day, but child custody rights, the right to obtain a birth certificate for our children, the right to leave the country, government support, citizenship respect, and all the things mothers enjoy in other civilized countries. And we want gifts too!”
“What Mother’s Day?” journalist Maryam Shokrani asked: “when mothers and women in this country are deprived of their most basic rights, when you don’t even include their names on their children’s birth certificates, when they have no custody … You should be ashamed!”
Men in solidarity
A post on X by Khamenei this month highlighting income inequality between women and men in the West stoked criticism by users who pointed to the Islamic theocracy's record on women's rights.
The nearly 50-year-old system over which Khamenei presides views the veil as an emblem of Islamic identity and chastity.
Some Iranian men voiced support for the current holiday amid the criticism.
Mehrshad Ahmadian, CEO of a steel company, wrote: “Go sit with your father after you’re done congratulating Mother’s Day, ask him why your mother has no right to divorce? Why doesn’t she have custody of the child she gave birth to? Why does she need permission to obtain a passport?”
Supporters of the government’s agenda defend the official celebrations and the religious framing.
“Whenever we speak of women in the Islamic view, we speak of dignity, not a show," a user on X asserted.
"Islam defines women by the Fatimah model, not by the standards of capitalist markets. Today’s Iranian woman is an example of this great truth.”
Published by researchers at Islamic Azad University, the peer-reviewed paper appears in Social Problems of Iran (Autumn 2025) and uses grounded-theory interviews with 15 women (2022–23) to map causal drivers, intervening factors, strategies, and outcomes.
The authors report that cutting persists within kinship networks that link family honor to control over female sexuality, while misinformation and limited access to alternative medical or religious views reinforce continuity.
“The central category indicates the impact of religious and family institutions in the continuation and reproduction of the traditional pattern,” the paper said, adding that “local customs outweigh religious mandates, with religion serving more as a legitimizing discourse.”
They say women’s responses evolve from silence and avoidance in childhood to negotiation, alliance-building and seeking medical advice in adulthood, with education, urbanization and social-media advocacy widening pathways to change.
Reported outcomes include physical pain, reduced sexual satisfaction, traumatic recall and social withdrawal. “FGM causes physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women.”
According to the paper, common misconceptions about the practice include beliefs that FGM preserves a girl’s “purity,” prevents immoral behavior or is a religious obligation.
“I had no idea what circumcision was until they did this to us,” said one 42-year-old participant.
Another woman described the experience as sudden and violent. “I was confused and completely unprepared. Like a chicken you grab to slaughter. Two female relatives held me down, tightly gripping my arms and legs, and then they took out the blade.”
FGM is practiced in several regions of Iran, particularly in western and southern provinces including Hormozgan, Kordestan, Kermanshah, West Azarbaijan, Ilam and Lorestan.
There is no comprehensive national data on its prevalence, but small-scale studies have reported varying rates across these areas.
The most common form documented in Iran is Type I FGM, involving partial or total removal of the clitoris or prepuce. Procedures are typically carried out by traditional midwives or elderly women using basic tools such as razor blades, often without anesthesia.
Iranian law does not explicitly criminalize FGM. There have been no known prosecutions, and official responses have largely been muted.
Pollack’s assessment comes as Iran faces overlapping crises at home and abroad.
The country is under intense economic strain, social dissent has become more visible and the Islamic Republic is recalibrating after military setbacks suffered by the June war with Israel.
Yet despite the pressure, Pollack said the system remains intact for a simple reason.
“Revolutions only succeed when regimes lose either the capacity or the willingness to use force,” he said. “The Islamic Republic learned from 1979. It is determined not to repeat the Shah’s mistake.”
“There is no question this country is in a pre-revolutionary state,” Pollack added. “They’re trying to have a revolution.”
Pollack pointed to Iran’s long cycle of unrest, tracing repeated efforts to challenge the Islamic Republic back to the 1999 student uprising.
Since then, protest waves have erupted every few years, including nationwide demonstrations and the women-led revolt that followed the death of Mahsa Amini in morality police custody.
Each time, he said, the population pushed harder, experimented with new tactics and widened the social base of dissent.
What stopped those efforts, Pollack said, was not a lack of public anger but the clerical establishment's consistent readiness to deploy force.
Pollack said episodes of unrest, such as at a public memorial service on Friday for a lawyer who died under mysterious circumstances, highlight the paradox defining Iran today: visible cracks in social control paired with an unflinching security response.
Looking ahead, Pollack identified the eventual death of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei as the most serious potential inflection point.
At 86, the health of the veteran theocrat has become a subject of quiet speculation even inside Iran. Succession, Pollack warned, can destabilize authoritarian systems by exposing elite rivalries or paralyzing decision-making.
“Succession can just as easily lead to chaos, fragmentation or something worse,” he warned. “These systems often survive by becoming more repressive, not less.”
Pollack also criticized US policy for focusing too narrowly on Iran’s nuclear program while sidelining Iran's regional behavior and domestic repression. He warned that treating nuclear negotiations as the central problem risks missing broader forces shaping Iran’s future.
“The nuclear program is an irritant,” he said. “The real issue is the regime’s drive to dominate the region and its willingness to repress its own population to survive.”
For now, Pollack said, Iran remains suspended in a dangerous middle ground: a society actively trying to change its political fate and a state still capable of stopping it.
“These regimes can endure for a long time,” he said. “But when they finally break, it usually happens faster than anyone expects.”
