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INSIGHT

Revenge becomes Iran's language of unity after Khamenei’s death

Arash Sohrabi
Arash Sohrabi

Iran International

Jul 10, 2026, 11:45 GMT+1
People hold a banner reading “Kill Trump” during Ali Khamenei’s funeral procession in Tehran.
People hold a banner reading “Kill Trump” during Ali Khamenei’s funeral procession in Tehran.

Iranian officials are calling for national unity after Ali Khamenei’s death, but the message is increasingly being shaped by demands for revenge, attacks on officials accused of compromise and warnings that internal division serves the enemy.

The emerging message is not unity around solving Iran’s deepening economic, security and diplomatic crises, but unity around revenge, resistance and obedience to the new leadership.

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps put that message in explicit terms after Khamenei’s funeral ceremonies in Iran and Iraq, describing the processions as a display of loyalty, unity and resistance.

In a statement thanking the public and officials involved in the ceremonies, the IRGC said “blood vengeance” for Khamenei and others killed was a “certain, legitimate and unforgettable demand.”

It said punishment of the “agents, commanders and supporters” of the killing would remain in the memory of the Islamic community and the so-called resistance front until what it called justice was achieved.

Banners and posters threatening Trump, including calls to kill him and references to bounties, were a recurring theme during the week-long funeral processions for Khamenei, turning the language of vengeance into one of the ceremony’s most visible messages.

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The IRGC statement did not name Trump, but its language echoed a wider funeral narrative in which the US president was repeatedly cast as a target of vengeance.

It also framed the funeral processions in Najaf and Karbala as proof of the bond between Iran, Iraq and Tehran’s regional network, and said the IRGC and allied forces would continue Khamenei’s path under Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei.

The message came as hardliners inside Iran were also targeting officials involved in diplomacy with Washington.

The tension has been visible since the announcement of the memorandum with Washington, which hardliners rejected from the outset with slogans such as “We do not accept.” What began as opposition to the agreement soon turned into direct attacks on President Masoud Pezeshkian, Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi and Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf.

According to ILNA, the confrontation peaked during Khamenei’s funeral ceremonies, which authorities had sought to present as a symbol of unity and political continuity. Instead, groups in the crowd chanted “Death to the compromiser” and slogans against Pezeshkian, Araghchi and Ghalibaf.

Footage from the ceremonies showed Pezeshkian being addressed with insulting chants. Another video showed people throwing stones toward Araghchi and shouting abuse at him, drawing reactions from political figures and media outlets inside Iran.

ILNA warned that national unity cannot be preserved through insults, vilification and polarization, saying some hardliners had moved beyond political criticism into efforts to deepen internal divides.

Mohammad Mohajeri, a conservative political activist, called the chants against Araghchi and Ghalibaf an “Israeli sedition” and warned that silence by Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr, secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, and other council members could be read as complicity.

Hesamodin Ashna, a former adviser to Hassan Rouhani, also reacted to the attacks on Araghchi, writing on X: “The same person you are stoning is standing up for you.”

Unity and retaliation

Mohammad-Saleh Jokar, head of parliament’s internal affairs and councils committee, told ILNA the country needed unity “more than ever” and said polarization was what the enemy wanted.

But his definition of unity also centered on retaliation.

“If we are to avenge the blood of the martyrs and the martyred Imam, this will certainly be achieved in the shadow of unity,” Jokar said.

He said Iranians should direct their anger at the United States, adding that “criminal America” must be held accountable and that the nation would not leave alone those who had committed “evil and crime.”

Jokar said the funeral ceremonies had displayed the “strength and power” of the nation and angered the enemy. “We must act in such a way that it dies of this anger,” he said, adding that the “blood of our martyrs” must be avenged.

Call for nuclear weapons

Some hardline lawmakers have pushed the message further. Hossein Samsami, a member of parliament’s economic committee, told Didban Iran that taking revenge for Khamenei’s death required strengthening Iran’s offensive and defensive capabilities and reconsidering the country’s nuclear doctrine.

“A change in our nuclear doctrine is one of the requirements for taking revenge,” he said, implying that Iran should make nuclear weapons.

Samsami also said those responsible for Khamenei’s killing should be treated like Salman Rushdie, referring to Ruhollah Khomeini’s fatwa calling for Rushdie’s death.

He accused Washington of using diplomacy and the funeral period to gather intelligence on Iranian officials, saying the ceasefire and funeral ceremonies were used to identify their residences for future assassinations.

“The enemy enters through the door of peace to break your neck,” he said.

These remarks show how the language of revenge is spreading beyond military retaliation into broader demands for a harder ideological, nuclear and security line.

That shift comes as ordinary Iranians face the consequences of renewed confrontation, from economic pressure and insecurity to the risk of wider war.

ILNA warned that whenever politics has moved toward harsh polarization and the elimination of rivals, “the whole society has paid the price.”

For now, however, the loudest official language around unity is not focused on that price. It is focused on revenge, loyalty and the claim that disagreement itself may serve the enemy.

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Tehran torn between war and deal as Khamenei is buried

Jul 10, 2026, 03:30 GMT+1
•
Behrouz Turani
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A woman holds a portrait of Ali Khamenei near graffiti supporting his successor Mojtaba Khamenei during funeral ceremonies in Tehran, July 7, 2026

Iran’s media landscape is sharply split over the latest escalation, with moderate outlets warning that ordinary Iranians will pay the price and hardline voices calling for forceful retaliation against US interests and regional energy routes.

The debate comes as Ali Khamenei was buried in Mashhad after a week of funeral ceremonies, marking the symbolic beginning of a new political era for the Islamic Republic.

One headline on a leading Tehran news site captured the anxiety: “People will have to pay the price of uncalculated slogans.”

Other outlets warned of “the very high possibility of a full-fledged war,” soaring exchange rates and gold prices, and a country trapped in “a war between wars.”

Coverage on pro-reform Fararu and other outlets reflected growing concern over security and the economy, as Iranians rushed to convert savings into gold and dollars in a volatile market reacting to every comment from Tehran or Washington.

‘Incation worse than compromise’

Economist Mehdi Pazouki warned in an interview with Fararu that continued uncertainty would deepen the damage to Iran’s economy and people’s livelihoods.

“Every single day earlier that the agreement is signed is in the country’s interest,” he said, urging Tehran to finalize an agreement with Washington and pursue deeper reforms.

“The cost of inaction is far greater than the cost of compromise,” he added.

Despite renewed military escalation, Reuters cited a US official on Thursday as saying Washington remained committed to finding a resolution with Iran and that technical talks were continuing.

The pro-Pezeshkian daily Etemad voiced concern over the growing pressure on Iran’s state institutions.

While acknowledging what it called “the necessity of a calculated defense to deter unilateral American bullying,” the paper warned that a wider regional war could overwhelm civilian systems.

It pointed to casualties reported by the Health Ministry—at least 14 killed and 78 wounded—and damage to transport corridors in Khuzestan and Golestan provinces.

Etemad urged the Supreme National Security Council to ensure that any military response does not close backchannel or third-party diplomatic efforts, arguing that preventing a broader crisis must remain the government’s priority.

Sharq warned that US strikes on bridges and the Tehran-Mashhad railway marked a shift toward what it described as efforts to isolate Iran’s domestic markets.

Sharq said Iran’s ability to withstand pressure depends not only on military power but also economic durability, urging the government to use global concerns over energy instability to push for mediation.

‘Sacrilegious and criminal’

Hardline outlets presented the same developments as evidence that Iran should abandon restraint and expand its response.

Conservative factions framed the latest strikes as an opportunity to enforce Iranian control over the Strait of Hormuz.

Kayhan, whose chief is customarily appointed by the Supreme Leader, described the targeting of the Tehran-Mashhad railway corridor ahead of the late Supreme Leader’s burial as a “sacrilegious and criminal act of desperation.”

It argued that Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei now had a mandate for defiance, warning that any attack on Iran’s infrastructure would render “the entire maritime transit apparatus of the Persian Gulf completely non-operational.”

In a commentary headlined “Shattering the Logistics of Aggression,” the municipal daily Hamshahri praised Iranian strikes on US targets, including Patriot missile infrastructure in Kuwait and fuel depots in Bahrain.

Hamshahri argued that by expanding attacks to include host nations, Tehran was weakening what it described as the American security umbrella in the region.

The paper warned that disruption of Iran’s transport networks would be answered with paralysis of the regional energy supply chain.

A remote bridge shows how US-Iran war is expanding

Jul 10, 2026, 01:28 GMT+1
•
Umud Shokri
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An image related by Iranian media purportedly showing the damage to the Aq Takeh Khan bridge in northeastern Iran, July 9, 2026

A reported US strike on a railway bridge in northern Iran has drawn attention to a lesser-known front in the widening conflict: the battle over the transport corridors linking Iran to Central Asia, Russia and China.

Iranian state media and the IRGC said cruise missiles attributed to US forces struck the Aq Tekeh Khan railway bridge near Aqqala in Golestan province early Wednesday, damaging the Gorgan–Incheh Borun railway line.

Washington has not confirmed the strike, and the claim has not been independently verified.

The bridge is part of Iran’s northern rail connectivity with Turkmenistan and wider Central Asian networks, making it relevant to military logistics, civilian trade, sanctions resilience and alternative transit routes.

Its targeting, if confirmed, would suggest that transport nodes are becoming strategic assets in the widening conflict, where pressure on dual-use infrastructure can disrupt connectivity without focusing only on conventional military sites.

Why the bridge matters

The Aq Tekeh Khan Bridge lies on the Gorgan–Incheh Borun railway, a key segment linking Iran’s interior to its northeastern border with Turkmenistan.

Incheh Borun serves as an important rail crossing and dry port in Golestan province, connecting southward into Iran’s national railway network and northward into the Kazakhstan–Turkmenistan–Iran corridor inaugurated in 2014.

The corridor, stretching from Kazakhstan through Turkmenistan into Iran, provides an overland connection between Iran and Central Asia, with links to Russia, China and wider Eurasian markets.

It also complements the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and overlaps with China’s Belt and Road Initiative ambitions by offering alternatives to vulnerable maritime routes.

For Iran, this northern railway artery is strategically valuable because it expands access to resource-rich Central Asian states and supports transit flows less exposed to Gulf chokepoints.

Freight trains from China have also moved along related corridors, underscoring the route’s place in broader East-West Eurasian trade.

Battle of transport networks

If confirmed, targeting railway infrastructure would suggest a broadening of strike objectives beyond traditional military facilities.

Railway bridges such as Aq Tekeh Khan are dual-use assets: they support civilian commerce, military mobility, sanctions-evading trade and rapid wartime logistics.

In modern conflicts, from Ukraine to the Middle East, infrastructure warfare has become increasingly central. Railways, ports, pipelines, bridges and power grids serve as chokepoints where military pressure and economic disruption intersect.

A damaged bridge can force rerouting, increase transport costs, delay supply chains and create bottlenecks whose effects exceed the physical scale of the strike itself.

For Iran, already facing pressure on southern ports, energy infrastructure and Gulf-facing trade routes, disruption to northern rail connectivity would test the resilience of its overland alternatives.

Targeting sanctions lifelines?

Damage to the Aq Tekeh Khan Bridge and associated rail services could limit Iran’s ability to move goods, fuel, equipment and strategic materials along its northern corridor.

Iranian authorities said the damage was repaired within a day and rail traffic had resumed, a claim that could not be independently verified. Even if temporary, the disruption highlights the importance of repair speed and infrastructure resilience in a conflict increasingly focused on transport networks.

Northern rail connectivity becomes especially important when southern ports or the Strait of Hormuz face military or political pressure. In such conditions, Iran’s ability to maintain alternative land routes through Central Asia, the Caspian region and Russia becomes part of its wider strategic depth.

Iran has spent years developing land corridors with Central Asia, Russia, China and the Caspian region to reduce dependence on maritime routes exposed to sanctions, surveillance and possible interdiction.

The Kazakhstan–Turkmenistan–Iran railway and INSTC-linked routes are central to that strategy, enabling transit revenues, regional trade and access to markets where sanctions enforcement may be less direct.

Strikes on such infrastructure could therefore be intended to erode Iran’s sanctions resilience by raising operational risks for partners and discouraging use of Iranian corridors during periods of conflict.

Regional consequences

The reported strike also carries potential implications for Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and other Central Asian states.

These countries have invested in diversified transit routes through Iran to reach Gulf ports and global markets while reducing dependence on Russian or Chinese-controlled corridors.

If Iranian routes are viewed as vulnerable during conflict, governments and commercial operators may reassess their reliability.

For China, disruption to Iranian-linked corridors adds uncertainty to longer supply chains connecting East Asia, Central Asia and the Middle East.

For Russia, which has deepened logistical ties with Tehran, damage to Iranian transport infrastructure could complicate southern access routes.

The reported strike highlights how infrastructure has become part of modern strategic competition.

For Iran, the incident reinforces the challenge of protecting trade networks built to withstand sanctions and pressure on maritime access. It also shows that corridor politics, from the BRI to the INSTC, are increasingly shaped not only by commerce but by military risks.

Whether this leads to hardened infrastructure, shifts in regional trade planning or renewed pressure for de-escalation remains uncertain, but the bridge’s symbolic and practical importance now extends well beyond Golestan province.

US strikes, Hormuz clashes push Iran deal to brink

Jul 10, 2026, 01:21 GMT+1
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The fragile memorandum between Tehran and Washington is facing its biggest test yet after two days of US strikes on targets along Iran’s southern coast and Iranian attacks on commercial shipping near the Strait of Hormuz raised fears of a return to full-scale war.

Iranian officials have threatened severe retaliation, while analysts warn that disputes over sanctions, maritime routes and the future of the agreement could push both sides into another major confrontation.

Mohsen Jalilvand, a professor of international relations, said the continued US military presence in the region and Tehran's insistence on controlling shipping through the Strait of Hormuz have significantly increased the risk of war.

"When both sides continue to stand by their positions, and there are no signs of retreat, it is only natural that the likelihood of a broader confrontation increases," he told the news website Fararu.

Read the full article here.

Ali Khamenei buried in Mashhad after days-long funeral

Jul 9, 2026, 23:41 GMT+1
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A picture of Ali Khamenei in the Iraqi city of Najaf where a funeral was held for him ahead of his burial in

Iran’s slain supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, was buried Thursday evening at the shrine of the eighth Shia imam in the northeastern city of Mashhad after days of funeral processions in Iran and Iraq, while his successor, Mojtaba Khamenei, remained absent from all public ceremonies.

Before the burial, Khamenei’s eldest son, Mostafa, led prayers over his father’s body.

Islamic Republic loyalists filled the streets and courtyards around the shrine as Khamenei’s coffin was brought through Mashhad, his hometown, at the end of a week of funeral ceremonies.

Mourners dressed in black waved Iranian flags, carried portraits of Khamenei and held placards with revolutionary slogans. Some in the crowd chanted against the United States and called for revenge on US President Donald Trump.

Videos from Khamenei’s final state-organized funeral in Mashhad on Thursday night showed loyalists of the Islamic Republic chanting “death to America” and “death to Israel” and demanding revenge for the slain supreme leader’s killing.

Iranian state media also reported plans for a symbolic public execution and burning of a Trump-like effigy in Mashhad’s Ahmadabad Square, with footage showing the effigy mounted on a truck

The burial came as renewed hostilities between Iran and the United States deepened uncertainty in the country, with Tehran presenting the funeral turnout as a show of public support and revolutionary resolve.

Khamenei’s remains, along with those of four family members killed with him, had earlier been taken through Tehran, Qom and the Iraqi shrine cities of Najaf and Karbala.

The burial marks the end of Khamenei’s 37-year rule, a period his supporters portray as one of resistance against foreign pressure, while critics point to years of repression, economic hardship and repeated waves of anti-government protests with the latest resulting in tens of thousands of protestors killed by state security forces during January’s nationwide uprising.

US strikes, Hormuz clashes push Iran deal to brink

Jul 9, 2026, 21:43 GMT+1
•
Maryam Sinaiee
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A US fighter jet on board a US warship in this CENTCOM handout

The fragile memorandum between Tehran and Washington is facing its biggest test yet after two days of US strikes on targets along Iran’s southern coast and Iranian attacks on commercial shipping near the Strait of Hormuz raised fears of a return to full-scale war.

Iranian officials have threatened severe retaliation, while analysts warn that disputes over sanctions, maritime routes and the future of the agreement could push both sides into another major confrontation.

Mohsen Jalilvand, a professor of international relations, said the continued US military presence in the region and Tehran's insistence on controlling shipping through the Strait of Hormuz have significantly increased the risk of war.

"When both sides continue to stand by their positions, and there are no signs of retreat, it is only natural that the likelihood of a broader confrontation increases," he told the news website Fararu.

"Overall, I see the outlook moving less toward an agreement and more toward escalating tensions and a greater possibility of a major conflict."

‘Abandon MoU’

Senior officials and hardline media reacted angrily after the latest US attacks, which the Iranian Health Ministry said killed 14 people and injured 78 others. Several senior figures demanded tougher retaliation or called for formally abandoning the memorandum with Washington.

Parliament Speaker and Iran's chief negotiator Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf wrote on X that "America still has not learned that bullying and breaking its commitments no longer come without a cost."

"Let me be clear: if you strike, you will be struck. Stop struggling in vain—you will only sink deeper. The Strait of Hormuz will be reopened only under Iranian arrangements, not American threats."

Alaeddin Boroujerdi, a member of parliament's National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, told state broadcaster IRIB that Iran's response would be "more severe" and warned that continued confrontation would ultimately harm the United States.

The hardline Kayhan newspaper argued that repeated US attacks, the revocation of Iran's oil export waiver and what it described as violations of the agreed shipping arrangements in Hormuz had rendered the agreement meaningless.

"When Iran's armed forces tighten their grip on the world's energy artery in the Strait of Hormuz and play the Bab al-Mandab card, the West's economic lifeline will be cut, and Trump will beg for a ceasefire more desperately than ever," the newspaper wrote.

Kayhan urged the Foreign Ministry to formally declare the memorandum void so the armed forces could "settle Trump's account once and for all."

Tensions with Oman

The latest escalation followed Iranian attacks on vessels using a route south of the Strait of Hormuz, on the Omani side, while under US naval escort rather than the shipping corridor designated by Tehran.

Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi accused Washington of pressuring Oman to open an alternative southern shipping lane despite what he said was an agreement that Iran would regulate maritime traffic during the memorandum's 60-day implementation period.

"From our perspective, America's insistence on creating a parallel route disrupted implementation of the memorandum," Gharibabadi said. “The Revolutionary Guards' response was entirely lawful and legitimate."

Iran's Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters warned that any party providing military support for US attacks on Iran would constitute a legitimate target.

“The only safe shipping route through the Strait of Hormuz is the one designated by the Islamic Republic," the statement said.

Oman, however, told the International Maritime Organization on Thursday that it opposed the imposition of transit charges on ships using the strait and reiterated that "the right of transit passage through straits used for international navigation is guaranteed under international law."

Gharibabadi said Iranian officials had informed Omani and Qatari authorities—and indirectly Washington—that the southern route was "completely illegal," violated Clause 5 of the memorandum and "must be closed."

Public exhaustion

Although Tehran and most major Iranian cities have not been targeted since the ceasefire, apart from areas along the southern coastline, the renewed fighting has had an immediate economic impact.

The Iranian rial weakened sharply on Thursday, with the US dollar rising from about 1.6 million rials to more than 1.8 million rials. According to the Central Bank of Iran's latest figures, point-to-point inflation has reached nearly 83 percent.

Despite growing fears of renewed conflict, many Iranians appear more subdued than during previous crises after experiencing two wars within a year. Online discussions suggest widespread exhaustion and emotional numbness rather than panic.

"Is it just my algorithm, or does nobody actually care that the war has started again?" one X user wrote.

Another user, Sina, wrote: "Do we really have to hear fighter jets and explosions over Tehran before we believe the war has resumed?"

A third user commented: "Iranian cities were bombed last night. That means we're officially at war. But our minds are so exhausted, and we've suffered so much, that we're collectively choosing denial."

A reader commenting on Khabar Online wrote: "I just came to say we're exhausted. By God, we're exhausted. How much more tension and pressure can we take? Are you really going to bring another war down on our heads?”