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OPINION

The Hormuz get out of jail card turned to a grave

Avi Avidan
Avi Avidan

Political and strategic analyst

Apr 17, 2026, 22:10 GMT+1

For decades the IRGC relied on its ability to threaten closure of the Strait of Hormuz as its premier economic shield and golden get out of jail card.

Roughly 21 million barrels per day of oil and petroleum products normally transit the strait. That volume accounts for one fifth of global petroleum liquids consumption and one quarter of all seaborne traded oil.

Yet the destinations of those flows expose the asymmetry that ultimately doomed the strategy.

In the first half of 2025 ~89% percent of crude oil and condensate flowed eastward to Asian markets.

China absorbed 37.7 percent of the total followed by India at 14.7 percent South Korea at 12 percent Japan at 10.9 percent and other Asian buyers at 13.9 percent.

Europe received just 3.8 percent and the United States only 2.5 percent. The IRGC was never holding the West hostage. It holds the East.

By throttling traffic during the conflict the regime exercised its only economic "card". Ship transits collapsed to under ten percent of normal levels even after the ceasefire. Insurance rates soared and oil prices spiked.

The move they thought would delivered short term tactical breathing room and helped force negotiations. Yet the decision transformed a potent deterrent into a wasting asset.
The primary victims were Asian importers especially China and India. Those nations faced immediate cost spikes and supply uncertainty.

Beijing responded by drawing down its strategic petroleum reserve which covers more than four months of imports while accelerating purchases of Russian African and Latin American crude.

India pursued parallel diversification.

More critically Persian Gulf producers gained the political urgency and capital they needed to lock in permanent bypass infrastructure.

Saudi Arabia ramped its East West Petroline to near its seven million barrels per day capacity routing crude to Red Sea terminals at Yanbu.

The United Arab Emirates expanded the Abu Dhabi Crude Oil Pipeline to Fujairah on the Gulf of Oman. Additional overland proposals and expanded export terminals emerged almost immediately.

Once those routes reach commercial scale the strait loses its status as a global chokepoint. It becomes a regional inconvenience whose disruption matters far less to the broader market.

Simultaneously United States crude exports have surged to a record 4.9 million barrels per day in April 2026 with forecasts pointing toward five million or higher in coming months. That volume covers roughly 23 percent of normal full Hormuz traffic and about one third of the crude and condensate segment.

Asian refiners have redirected demand toward US Gulf Coast barrels to fill the shortfall from Middle East shut ins estimated at 7.5 to 9.1 million barrels per day. The surge not only caps price spikes but also cements American producers as the flexible swing supplier to Asia.
This development accelerates the very diversification that erodes Iranian leverage.

The one year five year and ten year horizons reveal starkly divergent outcomes.

For IRGC the picture darkens at every stage. In the first year oil revenues collapse despite temporary price spikes because export volumes remain minimal. The economy already contracting from war damage and sanctions faces hyperinflation in food prices and widespread shortages.
Over five years bypass pipelines and alternative supply chains become permanent fixtures. Petrodollar inflows never recover and sanctions compound the isolation.

By year ten Iran confronts structural marginalization as a secondary supplier at best. Internal pressures from economic rot and factional rivalry mount inexorably.

The regime is forced to move first. It cannot sustain years of revenue denial while rivals reroute around it. Diplomatic capitulation or escalated domestic repression becomes inevitable well before the five year mark.

China absorbs the heaviest short term pain yet emerges stronger. Higher import costs slow some refinery runs in the first year but strategic reserves Russian pipelines and surging United States imports prevent outright shortages.

Over five years Beijing locks in new sourcing habits and accelerates renewables and domestic production. By year ten China enjoys markedly improved energy security with far less exposure to any single chokepoint. The crisis ultimately serves as an expensive but effective catalyst for diversification but shines a light on Chinese dependency on US rendering any multipolar aspirations null, China isn't a pole probably never was if it can't survive without IRGC cheap oil paid with the blood of Iranians.

The United States stands as the unambiguous winner across all horizons. Export revenues boom in the first year as shale producers respond to sustained high prices.

Over five and ten years America solidifies its role as the reliable Atlantic basin supplier to Asian demand. Strategic leverage deepens without proportional domestic pain.

Arab states astride the Persian Gulf also gain by converting crisis into durable infrastructure and expanded market access.

In strategic terms the IRGC executed a classic use it or lose it blunder. By weaponizing the eastern hostage it compelled the very adaptations that render the hostage irrelevant. Global energy flows have begun a permanent eastward rerouting that favors flexible producers over vulnerable chokepoint holders.

The 2026 crisis therefore accelerates the long term isolation of Iran. It diminishes the regime's economic shield permanently and hastens the internal collapse dynamics already evident before the conflict.

What began as a tactical gambit to survive immediate pressure has instead locked in decades of strategic decline. The geography of oil trade the scale of United States export capacity and the self interest of Asian importers have combined to ensure that the IRGC traded its last "card" for time it didn't get and burned what it could not afford to waste relevance and economic potential to climb out of the grave it dug itself.

The Hormuz closure wasn't a surprise to any serious person, one might argue Trump turned what the enemy believed to be a leverage to a ticking time bomb trap the IRGC just walked into.

IRGC was never the end goal, China is.

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Iran blackout cripples freelancer, small business incomes

Apr 16, 2026, 10:32 GMT+1
•
Hooman Abedi

Freelancers and small business owners say their incomes have collapsed and daily operations have halted during Iran’s prolonged internet shutdown, which NetBlocks said has caused $1.8 billion in losses over 48 days.

“I work as a freelance web developer and my income has dropped to zero because of the internet outage. I am selling my belongings to cover debts,” a citizen wrote in a message to Iran International.

Another said: “As a student and computer technician, I am stuck in uncertainty. Online classes are heavily disrupted, and I cannot even access the internet to complete projects. My workplace has no customers.”

NetBlocks said on Thursday the disruption had lasted 1,128 hours, describing the shutdown as unprecedented in scale for a country with deep reliance on global connectivity. The group added that its estimate, based on its COST methodology, also reflects wider social and human rights impacts.

Digital economy grinds to a halt

The outage has hit Iran’s digital sector, which had absorbed part of the country’s unemployment pressure over the past decade. Online businesses have lost access to customers, payment systems, and essential tools tied to the global internet.

The Rokna news website said on Wednesday the disruption amounted to a shutdown of the digital economy, noting that the cut to international internet access dealt a direct blow to online businesses.

A couple walk in a park overlooking Tehran, with the iconic Milad Tower seen in the background, April 1, 2026.
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A couple walk in a park overlooking Tehran, with the iconic Milad Tower seen in the background, April 1, 2026.

Hundreds of small digital enterprises have been unable to maintain sales, customer communication, or after-sales services. Layoffs have spread across technology firms and media organizations, affecting employees whose work depends on stable connectivity, the outlet added.

Journalists and media workers have also faced income losses and job cuts as communication channels narrowed and publishing operations slowed, according to the report.

Workers face mounting financial strain

“I managed to connect briefly using expensive VPNs, but I have lost my job due to the internet disruption. I have loans to repay and rent to cover, and many others are in the same situation,” another citizen told Iran International.

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Accounts from across the country point to a broader slowdown. “Prices have increased several times over. Many people have lost their jobs. At least 50 percent of shops are closed,” one resident said, adding that only essential services such as repair shops and small markets remain partially active.

Delays in salary payments have become more common in some businesses, increasing pressure on workers already affected by rising prices. Inflation has further reduced real wages, leaving even those still employed struggling to cover basic living costs.

File photo of a young Iranian man who checks his phone outside a store
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File photo of a young Iranian man who checks his phone outside a store

Professional networks also reflect the downturn. Users on LinkedIn have publicly said they are seeking new job opportunities, indicating a rise in job seekers among skilled and experienced workers.

Experts warn of lasting damage

Economic journalist Arezoo Karimi said the losses extend beyond immediate income declines, warning of wider consequences for employment and growth.

“This means zero income for businesses that depend on international connectivity. It leads to layoffs and rising unemployment,” Karimi said, adding that daily losses run into tens of millions of dollars.

Karimi said the broader economic impact could reach several times the direct losses, pointing to reduced production and slower economic growth. Inflation, already elevated, is likely to worsen if disruptions continue.

  • Iran's digital economy battered by prolonged blackout

    Iran's digital economy battered by prolonged blackout

“Businesses are not only losing income, they are losing their position in international markets and online visibility. These are damages that cannot easily be reversed,” Karimi added.

With limited access to global markets and tools, many digital workers now face a choice between prolonged uncertainty and leaving the country.

The outage has exposed the dependence of Iran’s digital economy on stable international connectivity, with weeks of disruption enough to dismantle businesses built over years.

Iran halts petrochemical exports to supply domestic market

Apr 16, 2026, 10:23 GMT+1

Iran has halted exports of all petrochemical products until further notice to prevent shortages of raw materials and stabilize the domestic market, state-linked media reported.

A letter issued by a senior official at the National Petrochemical Company instructed producers to stop exports and redirect supply to domestic industries.

The directive said the move aims to support downstream industries and consumers following damage caused by recent attacks and to ensure adequate supply in the domestic market, the report said.

Attacks, curbs hit sector

Domestic prices for petrochemical and related products have been held at pre-conflict levels despite rising global prices, officials said, adding the measures would remain in place to support local industry and consumers.

Companies were also told to return export cargoes that have not yet cleared customs, with associated costs to be reported for possible adjustments to domestic pricing.

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Key petrochemical hubs in Asaluyeh and Mahshahr have been hit in recent weeks, including strikes on utilities supplying feedstock to plants, disrupting production.

The US military has also begun blocking shipping traffic in and out of Iran’s ports this week, a move aimed at reducing Iran’s export revenues as Tehran and Washington consider a second round of talks.

Economic strain deepens

The measures come as Iran faces mounting economic pressure, with reports sent by citizens to Iran International describing factory closures and layoffs in industrial hubs due to shortages of raw materials and weak demand.

Residents said businesses have struggled with disrupted supply chains and an ongoing internet shutdown, which has further strained operations and added to rising prices.

Hardliners push Hormuz ‘red line’ as US blockade tests Iran’s leverage

Apr 15, 2026, 18:34 GMT+1
•
Maryam Sinaiee

Hardline voices in Tehran are escalating rhetoric around the Strait of Hormuz, calling for transit fees on ships even as a US blockade challenges Iran’s control over the strategic waterway.

They portray control over Hormuz—much like uranium enrichment—as a “red line” that Iranian negotiators must not compromise in any future talks.

Amir-Hossein Sabeti, a member of parliament, recently declared that Iran could soon gain “a third source of income called the Strait of Hormuz.”

Mehdi Mohammadi, a strategic analyst and adviser to the parliament speaker, went further, claiming Iran could earn as much as $800 billion annually from the waterway.

“We have only just discovered this treasure,” he wrote.

Energy analyst Ehsan Hosseini said Iran increasingly sees the strait as its main deterrent—likening it to an “atomic bomb”—and is unwilling to trade this existing leverage for uncertain promises of sanctions relief.

Yet experts and critics say the idea of a “Hormuz toll” is economically unrealistic, legally problematic and potentially damaging to Iran’s long-term interests.

“Some want to take us back, to turn the Strait of Hormuz into a bargaining chip and give it away just to have sanctions lifted,” international affairs expert and university professor Naser Torabi said. “This is a disaster. This means defeat,” he added.

Economic commentator Abdollah Babakhani also warned against inflated expectations.

“Experts have a responsibility to stand against exaggerated narratives—such as claims of $50 to $60 billion in revenue from the Strait of Hormuz—so that unrealistic expectations do not form or persist in society,” he wrote on X.

The United States is enforcing a maritime blockade on vessels entering or leaving Iranian ports, part of a broader effort to pressure Tehran after talks failed to produce a breakthrough.

Shipping data from the firm Kpler shows a sharp drop in traffic through the strait, with only six vessels transiting on April 13 compared with 14 the previous day.

Within Iran, some hardliners initially dismissed the blockade as a bluff. Iran’s top joint military command warned that its armed forces could move to prevent the continuation of trade flows across regional waters if the blockade persists.

Yet more than two days into the blockade, Tehran has yet to take direct military action, as both sides explore diplomatic routes to ending the war.

President Donald Trump said on Wednesday that the Strait of Hormuz would soon be open again to maritime traffic, even as US forces continue enforcing the blockade around Iranian ports.

Some moderates and experts in Tehran have warned that aggressively leveraging the strait could ultimately weaken Iran’s position, especially given that regional producers have invested in pipelines and export routes designed to bypass Hormuz.

Ebrahim Gholamzadeh-Zanganeh, head of the Iran-Kuwait Chamber of Commerce, argued that even if a toll were possible, any financial benefit would pale against the opportunity cost of Iran’s isolation.

“The reality is that our losses from sanctions have been—and continue to be—many times these figures each year,” he said.

Ideology may be fading in Iran, but not in Kashmir's ‘Mini Iran'

Apr 15, 2026, 15:25 GMT+1
•
Shervin Shahrestani

Fundraising drives across Indian-administered Kashmir have collected nearly $2 million for Iran following the killing of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, highlighting the depth of religious and ideological ties between the region’s Shia community and the Islamic Republic.

The connection runs deep enough that the region has long been nicknamed Irani Sagir (or Mini Iran.)

Across towns and villages, portraits of Khamenei appeared at donation events where residents contributed whatever they could spare: banknotes, gold jewellery and even copper utensils.

A Kashmiri Muslim girl donates a gold ring at an Imambara fund collection centre in Budgam
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A Kashmiri Muslim girl donates a gold ring at an Imambara fund collection centre in Budgam

The collection drives, held in late March in cities including Budgam and Srinagar, allowed proceeds to be wired directly to the Iranian embassy in New Delhi. Iran’s embassy in India has also posted a QR code for donations on X since March 23.

In just one week, nearly ₹18 crore (about $2 million) was collected across Kashmir, excluding amounts deposited directly into the embassy’s account, according to local media reports.

One contribution seen by Iran International was ₹26 lakh (around $28,000).

A cheque written out to Iran's embassy
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A cheque written out to Iran's embassy

The fundraising came weeks after widespread protests erupted across Kashmir following the US-Israeli airstrike that killed Khamenei on Feb. 28.

Demonstrations in Srinagar turned violent in places, leaving at least 12 people injured, including five police officers. Authorities responded with tear gas and batons, shut schools, throttled mobile internet for five days and arrested at least 50 people.

Among the outpouring of grief were calls for revenge from some protesters.“Those who oppress Muslims—we will kill them,” one unnamed demonstrator in Srinagar told Reuters on March 1.

The unrest prompted authorities to investigate several political figures accused of spreading inflammatory content online. Among them was Srinagar MP Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi, an influential Shia cleric with a cross-sectarian following.

“Some fools in J&K Police and administration think that by withdrawing/downgrading my security detail and suspending my Facebook account will stop me from calling out their atrocities. It is laughable,” Mehdi wrote on Facebook.

Former Srinagar mayor Junaid Azim Mattu also had his security withdrawn after condemning Khamenei’s killing on X.

A Facebook page affiliated with Mattu has Ali Khamenei as the profile picture
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A Facebook page affiliated with Mattu has Ali Khamenei as the profile picture

Citrinowicz, Danny Citrinowicz, a fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv and former head of the Iran branch in Israeli military intelligence, warned that the donations were a possible indication that a post-Ali Khamenei Islamic Republic, likely dominated by the IRGC, would prove more operationally aggressive, not less.

"Those who think it will stay only at the level of donations are totally mistaken," he said.

For scholars of South Asian Islam, the reactions in Kashmir reflect a longstanding—though often misunderstood—connection between the region and Iran.

Oxford University's Associate Professor Justin Jones
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Oxford University's Associate Professor Justin Jones

Justin Jones, a specialist in modern Islam in South Asia at Oxford University, said that for most Indian Shias the Islamic Republic functions primarily as a political symbol rather than a direct religious authority.

“The actual political thought of Velayat-e Faqih doesn’t cut very deep in much of India,” he said, referencing the Islamic Republic’s central doctrine of the Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist, founded by Ruhollah Khomeini after Iran’s 1979 revolution.

“It’s simply a kind of imaginary of Shia power, which has some psychological effect, but maybe not a political one.”

Kashmir, however, is different.

“Kashmir is one of the places that has been most receptive to Iranian influence,” Jones said, citing both themes of political justice that resonate with local Shia communities and ideological currents linked to Iran’s doctrine of Velayat-e Faqih.

 Javed Beigh, a human rights activist based in Budgam
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Javed Beigh, a human rights activist based in Budgam

“Iran is perceived as the representative of the Muslim world,” human rights activist Javed Beigh told Iran International.

“There was no other Muslim leader perceived as strongly against the United States and its allies as Seyyed Ali Khamenei,” said Beigh, who is a Shia Muslim based in Budgam.

That perception, he added, has also resonated with some Sunni Muslims across the subcontinent, particularly amid Israel’s war in Gaza.

A Kashmiri law student who asked not to be identified described two different responses among younger Shias.

One group, he said, views the Islamic Republic as a political system that must survive — and would find its collapse “almost existentially shattering”. The other sees Iran’s 1979 revolution as a historical process that may endure even if the current regime falls.

“They think of it as something in evolution,” he said. “It might fail temporarily, but they have a strong belief in the possible resurgence and resurrection of the system in the future.”

Simon Wolfgang Fuchs, an associate professor at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem who studies Shia Islam in South Asia and the Middle East, said the Islamic Republic’s influence in the region extends beyond politics.

Simon Wolfgang Fuchs, Associate Professor at Hebrew University
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Simon Wolfgang Fuchs, Associate Professor at Hebrew University

“For them, Iran is very much a religious landscape—an enchanted place where you have a Shia-run state,” he said.

“The symbolic capital of Iran has not weakened… for South Asian Shia, Iran has been perceived as someone who stands by them and protects them.”

That connection has deepened as Iranian-trained clerics return to South Asia and pilgrims travel through Iran to reach holy sites in Iraq, experiencing the country as part of a broader sacred geography.

The Kashmiri student said many Shias in the region view that geography, stretching from Iran to Iraq, as central to the future of Shia political movements.

“Iran and Iraq are seen to inhabit the symbols of the sacred geography of the Shiite tradition,” he said. “If such a movement is going to be reborn, it must be around that geography—not outside it.”

He estimated that roughly 60 to 70 percent of Kashmiri Shias hold that view: that any future resurgence of the ideology would belong in the Middle East rather than South Asia.

Those ties are reinforced by institutions that operate independently of Tehran.

The Imam Khomeini Memorial Trust, an Iranian-linked organisation active in Kashmir, trains local clerics and funds religious education, according to research by the Middle East Forum.

Al-Mustafa International University, headquartered in Qom and funded directly by Iran’s Supreme Leader, operates affiliated seminaries across India and Pakistan whose graduates return to run religious institutions, according to research by United Against Nuclear Iran.

“Many people, even from my village, are still in Iran — living there, doing business, studying,” Beigh said. “That’s how you actually develop a strong bond between two communities.”

For some security analysts, however, those connections raise concerns about political radicalisation.

Sajid Yousuf Shaha, a lawyer and political analyst in Jammu and Kashmir
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Sajid Yousuf Shaha, a lawyer and political analyst in Jammu and Kashmir

Sajid Yousuf Shah, a political analyst in Jammu and Kashmir with India's ruling Hindu nationalist BJP party, said ideological loyalty to the Islamic Republic runs deep within the region’s Shia community.

“They don’t want modernisation. They don’t want westernisation. They don’t want any regime change in Iran,” he said, arguing that many supporters hope for the Islamic Republic’s survival rather than its replication elsewhere.

Abhinav Pandya, CEO of the Usanas Foundation, a geopolitical think tank in India, said Tehran’s ideological outreach has fostered what he described as “extraterritorial loyalties”.

Abhinav Pandya of the Usanas Foundation
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Abhinav Pandya of the Usanas Foundation

“Increasingly, the Shia Muslims in India have come under the influence of the Iranian regime,” he said. “That is very problematic.”

Pandya also pointed to contacts between Iran-aligned militant groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah and anti-India militant networks in the region, citing Indian media reports linking such groups to militant activity in Kashmir.

It was a similar concern voiced by Citrinowicz, who said Iran’s student and religious networks in India could potentially serve as recruitment channels.

Danny Citrinowicz, a fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv
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Danny Citrinowicz, a fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv

“The platform they are able to build—through control of religious centres, through academia, through social media—has transformed these places into fertile ground for recruitment,” he said.

Citrinowicz points to the Islamic Republic’s history of retaliating globally following the killing of its senior figures, with plots disrupted across Africa, Europe and Asia after the assassinations of Qasem Soleimani and Mohsen Fakhrizadeh in 2020.

"Nobody should be surprised if you'll see in the next couple of weeks or months (Iran) again tries to do something against India.”

Indian officials familiar with the issue, however, say such fears may be overstated.

A former official at India’s National Security Council Secretariat said the solidarity expressed after Khamenei’s killing reflected religious sentiment more than political mobilisation.

“The reverence is more on the religious side than on a struggle side,” he said, describing the protests as a form of collective mourning typical of Shia communities.

While authorities were monitoring the donation drives, he said they did not consider them significant enough to warrant intervention. The donations themselves also reveal a more complex picture.

Local media reported that some Hindu donors sympathetic to Iran’s historical ties with the subcontinent also contributed to the fundraising drive.

Fabrizio Speziale, Professor at CEIAS
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Fabrizio Speziale, Professor at CEIAS

Fabrizio Speziale, a Professor of Indo-Persian history at the School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences in Paris, said the cultural connections between Iran and South Asia have long crossed religious boundaries.

Persian culture historically served as a shared intellectual language across the region, linking Sunni, Shia, Hindu and even European scholars.

That legacy, he said, differs significantly from the modern political ideology of Velayat-e Faqih.

For Beigh, however, the bond between Kashmir’s Shia community and Iran transcends politics. “We have more than 90 percent of things we do in our daily lives similar to what you do in Iran,” he said.

Even if the Islamic Republic were to collapse, he believes the connection would endure. “They will have to embrace any change in Iran,” he said. “But the bond will remain.”

War damage amounts to $3,000 per Iranian, with blockade set to add to losses

Apr 14, 2026, 20:51 GMT+1
•
Hooman Abedi

War damage to Iran’s economy has reached $270 billion in 40 days, equivalent to roughly $3,000 per person, according to official figures, with losses expected to grow as trade disruptions deepen under a US blockade of Iranian ports.

Fatemeh Mohajerani, the spokesperson for the Iranian government, said on Tuesday losses from the US-Israeli military campaign are estimated at around $270 billion.

The New York Times, citing three Iranian officials and two economists, reported that early estimates broadly align with that figure, placing the damage at roughly $300 billion or higher.

Preliminary estimates by the US-based think tank Foundation for Defense of Democracies also suggest Iran absorbed roughly $150–$300 billion in economic damage.

Using a population of about 92 million, the lower estimate of $150 billion translates to roughly $1,600 per person, rising to nearly $3,250 per person under the higher estimate.

These figures reflect national wealth lost through destruction, halted production and disrupted trade.

Iran’s central bank has warned President Masoud Pezeshkian that rebuilding the country’s war-damaged economy could take more than a decade, sources familiar with internal deliberations told Iran International.

In a stark assessment delivered to the president in recent days, senior economic officials said the damage inflicted during the 40-day war with the United States and Israel—combined with Iran’s already fragile economic situation—could take up to 12 years to repair.

Industrial sectors bear largest losses

Petrochemicals account for the largest share of damage. Iran’s petrochemical sector, with annual sales of $29.1 billion, has seen about 85% of export capacity disrupted following strikes on major hubs including Mahshahr and South Pars. Estimated losses range from $30 billion to $50 billion.

Energy infrastructure has also been heavily affected. Refineries, storage depots and gas facilities have been struck, weakening a sector that generated about $78 billion in exports in 2024. Losses are estimated at $15 billion to $25 billion.

Explosion at Iran's Mahshahr petrochemical complex during US-Israeli strikes
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Explosion at Iran's Mahshahr petrochemical complex during US-Israeli strikes

Steel production, which underpins both industrial output and reconstruction, has been severely reduced, with about 70% of capacity disrupted. Losses are estimated at $5 billion to $10 billion.

Beyond physical losses, the war has triggered a sharp contraction in output.

Experts estimated a decline of more than 10% in GDP, equivalent to $34 billion to $44 billion in lost economic activity, affecting an economy that was already under strain before the conflict.

Beyond physical damage, policy-driven disruptions have compounded the losses.

Internet shutdown

A nationwide internet blackout beginning Feb. 28 has imposed additional costs.

Direct losses are estimated at $37 million to $42 million per day, totaling $1.5 billion to $2.5 billion over more than five weeks.

  • Iran's digital economy battered by prolonged blackout

    Iran's digital economy battered by prolonged blackout

Afshin Kolahi, a member of Iran’s Chamber of Commerce, said Monday indirect losses could raise the daily figure to $70 million to $80 million due to disruption to online businesses.

Online sales fell by about 80% during the shutdown, while the Tehran Stock Exchange lost 450,000 points within four days.

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The shutdown is affecting multiple layers of the economy simultaneously, according to economic analyst Masoumeh Taherkhani.

“The Iranian economy is damaged at three levels by internet disruption, starting with the digital core, which employs between four and five million people,” Taherkhani told Iran International. “Then the platform layer collapses, and finally the broader economy is affected in a way that spreads across production and services.”

Taherkhani said the combined effect leads to widespread job losses. “When the economy is fully stagnant, the outcome is unemployment for workers, and that is not something that can easily be reversed,” she said.

Trade disruption and self-inflicted losses

Disruptions linked to the Strait of Hormuz have added further pressure, with estimated losses of $5 billion to $15 billion.

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The restrictions have affected imports of essential goods and weakened non-oil exports, contributing to supply chain disruptions across the economy.

A US naval blockade targeting Iran’s maritime trade routes is expected to deepen losses.

Sanctions strategist and former US Treasury official Miad Maleki estimated that cutting off seaborne trade could eliminate about $435 million in daily economic activity, equivalent to roughly $13 billion per month.

  • What the US naval blockade would mean for Iran’s economy

    What the US naval blockade would mean for Iran’s economy

Iran relies on the Persian Gulf for more than 90% of its trade, leaving it highly exposed to sustained disruption.

Oil exports of about 1.5 million barrels per day – generating roughly $139 million daily – could be halted almost entirely, removing the country’s main source of foreign currency.

What the losses could have funded

The scale of damage corresponds to investment levels that could have reshaped core sectors of the economy.

A large combined-cycle power plant with capacity of around 1,000 to 1,500 megawatts typically costs between $600 million and $1 billion to build, depending on technology and fuel infrastructure.

At the lower estimate of $150 billion in losses, Iran could have financed roughly 150 to 250 such plants. At the upper estimate of $300 billion, that rises to between 300 and 500 plants, enough to eliminate electricity shortages and significantly expand export capacity.

In housing, average construction costs for a modest apartment unit range between $30,000 and $50,000. With $150 billion, between 3 million and 5 million housing units could have been built. At $300 billion, that increases to roughly 6 million to 10 million units, enough to address shortages across major urban areas.

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High-speed rail construction typically costs between $20 million and $40 million per kilometer. The lower estimate of losses could have funded approximately 3,750 to 7,500 kilometers of rail, while the higher estimate could support up to 15,000 kilometers, connecting major cities nationwide.

A modern hospital costs between $200 million and $500 million to construct and equip. The lower-end losses could have built 300 to 750 hospitals, while the higher estimate could fund up to 1,500 facilities, expanding healthcare access across the country.

What it means for individual Iranians

The per capita loss of up to $3,250 represents a substantial share of annual income for many households.

With average monthly earnings between $150 and $200, an individual earns roughly $1,800 to $2,400 per year, meaning a $3,250 equivalent exceeds a full year of income for many citizens.

If such an amount were available, it could cover between 12 and 20 months of living expenses for an average worker. Families could use it toward housing costs, including down payments or completing home purchases in smaller cities.

Small businesses could be launched with startup capital of $2,000 to $5,000, enabling self-employment in sectors such as retail, services or online commerce. Households could also afford private healthcare, education or relocation costs that are otherwise beyond reach.

100%

Even the lower estimate per person represents several months of income, providing a buffer against inflation, job loss or unexpected expenses.

The overall range reflects damage already incurred, with additional losses building as trade, production and financial flows remain disrupted.

At up to $3,250 per person and rising, the economic toll underscores the scale of damage to Iran’s productive capacity, with long-term implications for recovery and growth.