Iran International
Hamas’s conditional acceptance of Donald Trump’s peace plan has left Tehran’s hardliners scrambling—pivoting from predictions of rejection to praise—while their detractors watch bemused at their being outmaneuvered by a Palestinian ally.
Hardline outlets such as Kayhan, Hamshahri, and Jam-e Jam had forecast Hamas would reject the proposal.
Once the group issued its nuanced response, they quickly fell into line.
Seday-e Iran, a site linked to the Supreme Leader’s office, set the tone by dismissing Trump’s initiative as “an attempt to escape a deadlock” but hailing Hamas’s answer as “intelligent.”
Nour News, tied to former security chief Ali Shamkhani, insisted Hamas had “smartly accepted only the parts of Trump’s plan related to the release of hostages and the cessation of war, while rejecting disarmament and the presence of foreign forces.”
Trump’s quick praise, it added, showed “his need for the hostages” and a political victory for the Nobel, not a real achievement. The line was clear: Hamas’s flexibility was acceptable only if it fit within Iran’s “resistance logic.”
On X, former Foreign Ministry spokesman Nasser Kanaani reinforced the script, calling Hamas’s move “responsible and intelligent” and proof that “the Resistance still holds the initiative on both the diplomatic and battlefield fronts.”
Jab at October 7 mastermind
Other hardliners played variations on the theme, not striking the same note but not diverging far.
Vatan-e Emrooz branded Trump’s proposal a “deceptive plan” that would “sideline Hamas and turn Gaza into a demilitarized zone under Israeli and American supervision, without guarantees for refugees or an end to the blockade.”
Even so, it conceded Hamas’s “yes, but…” response gave the group leverage and kept talks alive.
Ahmad Janjan, a political activist close to Speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf, vented at late Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar: “Not only did Sinwar's solo act ruin the entire zero-day plan, but also Hamas accepted peace tonight, only after the destruction of the resistance axis!”
His anger echoed Quds Force commander Esmail Qaani, who admitted “neither Iran nor even Ismail Haniyeh was informed” of Hamas’s October 7 operation in advance—a rare admission that undercut Tehran’s claim of coordination.
‘Help clear Gaza rubble’
Outside hardline circles, the tone was markedly different: a mix of blame and ridicule.
“I wish hardliners themselves could show this kind of ‘wisdom’—or at least let the Pezeshkian administration respond as ‘wisely’ to some international initiatives!” reformist commentator Ahmad Zeidabadi wrote on his Telegram channel.
He argued that pro-government factions now face “a crisis in taking a stance” so severe they may soon ban discussion of the issue altogether.
Some opposition activists were harsher, framing Hamas’s shift as another loss for Tehran and its allies.
“Israel and the US have taken another step forward,” one activist posted on X. “It’s time to deal with the biggest destabilizer of the region: the Islamic Republic.”
Cutting deepest was journalist Hossein Yazdi: “Send those who were giving out sweets around Palestine Square on October 8 to Gaza to help clear the rubble,” he wrote, torching hardliners who celebrated the Hamas ambush two years ago to the day.
