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ANALYSIS

Iran's services imports surge as goods trade slumps

Dalga Khatinoglu
Dalga Khatinoglu

Oil, gas and Iran economic analyst

Jun 5, 2026, 01:02 GMT+1
A worker walks past stacks of newly printed books at a printing facility in Iran, May 28, 2026
A worker walks past stacks of newly printed books at a printing facility in Iran, May 28, 2026

Iran's imports of services surged to a record $25.5 billion in 2025 while merchandise imports fell sharply, according to newly released data from the Central Bank of Iran, highlighting a significant shift in the country's trade structure.

Services imports accounted for roughly one-quarter of Iran's total imports during the year, an unusually high share for an economy traditionally dominated by trade in physical goods.

At the same time, Iran's exports of services declined, pushing the country's services trade deficit to a record $17 billion. The deficit was 52% higher than in 2024 and roughly three times larger than in 2020.

Separate central bank data on foreign trade in goods point to an equally dramatic contraction in merchandise trade.

Iran imported approximately $49 billion worth of goods during the fiscal year ending March 21, a decline of 32% compared with the previous year. Non-oil exports also weakened considerably, falling 22% year-on-year to about $45 billion.

The figures suggest Iran's trade structure is undergoing a significant transformation, with services playing an increasingly prominent role while merchandise trade contracts.

The reasons behind the rapid rise in services imports remain unclear.

Iran's services imports primarily include transportation and logistics services, insurance related to foreign trade, financial transaction services, engineering and construction projects, technology purchases and other professional services.

One possible explanation emerged in a Wall Street Journal report published last October, which suggested that part of Iran's oil exports to China were being exchanged for services rather than cash payments or traditional oil-for-goods arrangements.

China is effectively the sole buyer of Iranian crude oil. According to estimates by the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), Iran's crude oil exports were worth approximately $44 billion last year before accounting for sanctions-related discounts and the costs of circumventing US restrictions.

While the central bank data do not reveal the source of the imported services, the figures are consistent with the possibility that a growing share of Iran's oil revenues is being settled through services rather than conventional financial transfers or merchandise imports.

Another factor attracting attention is the role of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in both oil exports and major infrastructure projects.

Under Iran's previous budget law, the IRGC was tasked with exporting 700,000 barrels of crude oil per day, roughly half of the country's actual crude exports. The organization is also one of Iran's largest contractors in infrastructure and construction.

However, the central bank data provide no direct evidence regarding the destination of oil revenues or the beneficiaries of imported services.

The outlook for the current fiscal year is even more uncertain amid the conflict involving the United States and Israel.

Trade flows with the United Arab Emirates, Iran's largest supplier of goods, have reportedly been disrupted over the past three months.

Meanwhile, Chinese customs data show Iran and China recorded only about $400 million in bilateral non-oil trade during March and April combined, roughly one-fifth of the level recorded during the same period a year earlier.

Whether the shift toward services reflects changes in sanctions-evasion mechanisms, evolving arrangements with China, or broader economic weakness remains an open question. What is clear from the latest data is that Iran's trade profile is changing in ways not seen in recent years.

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Iran sidelines ultra-hardliners from pro-government nightly rallies

Jun 4, 2026, 12:27 GMT+1
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Supporters of the ultra-hardline Paydari Front were removed earlier this week from nightly state-organized rallies backing the Islamic Republic, in an apparent effort to contain hardline pressure as talks with the United States continue, Iran International has learned.

According to the information obtained by Iran International, the order to keep Paydari supporters away from the gatherings was issued after requests by President Masoud Pezeshkian and Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, who also heads Tehran’s negotiating team.

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Protesters carrying placards opposing concessions on the nuclear issue have also been removed from the state-backed rallies, according to the same information.

The move points to an effort by senior figures in the Islamic Republic to contain ultra-hardline pressure at a sensitive moment, as Tehran and Washington continue talks over a possible understanding involving the ceasefire, the Strait of Hormuz, frozen Iranian assets and nuclear-related terms.

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The Paydari Front and its allies have been among the most vocal opponents of negotiations with the United States. In recent days, figures close to the camp have criticized Ghalibaf and the negotiating team, warning against concessions and arguing that talks with Washington amount to a mistake.

The reported removals came as the Islamic Republic held the first anniversary ceremony for Ruhollah Khomeini since the killing of Ali Khamenei, without the former supreme leader’s presence.

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During the ceremony on Thursday, Mojtaba Khamenei issued a message warning against what he called doubt, despair, fear and suspicion.

The message, read by Mohammad-Javad Haj-Ali-Akbari, Tehran’s interim Friday prayer leader, said any action that causes public pessimism or disillusionment amounts to helping the enemy.

Calls for diplomacy grow in Tehran amid fresh escalation

Jun 3, 2026, 16:18 GMT+1
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Children play along the shore in Bandar Abbas, southern Iran, with cargo vessels visible in the Persian Gulf behind them, June 2, 2026

As Tehran reviews US proposals and influential figures increasingly speak openly in favor of negotiations, developments on the ground are pulling Iran and the United States in the opposite direction.

The contrast was on display this week as senior Shiite cleric Ayatollah Jafar Sobhani publicly endorsed negotiations with Washington while fresh military exchanges across the Gulf highlighted the risk of renewed escalation.

Quoted by several Iranian outlets on Tuesday, Sobhani said “we should back negotiations and follow a good outcome from them, and a good negotiation must be based on the collective and national interests of the country.”

The remarks were among the clearest signs yet that influential clerical circles are prepared to publicly back diplomacy.

Several newspapers also published composite images showing chief negotiator and parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf alongside IRGC commander Ahmad Vahidi, appearing to emphasize unity among senior officials as Tehran reviews US proposals.

Ghalibaf has also been quoted as saying Iran is examining Washington’s suggestions, while US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said this week that negotiations over the language of a possible agreement could be be concluded within days if progress continues.

Yet the diplomatic signals have coincided with renewed escalation on the ground. Iranian attacks on Kuwait and Bahrain, and US strikes on Iranian targets in the early hours of Wednesday, underscored how fragile any diplomatic opening remains.

At the same time, hardline rhetoric has continued inside Iran. A group of lawmakers on Tuesday called for expanding the range of Iran’s missiles until they could reach Washington.

The competing narratives were also laid bare in an interview with veteran diplomat and US expert Abbas Maleki in Sharq newspaper, and another with conservative analyst Hassan Hanizadeh published by Fararu.

Hanizadeh outlined ongoing indirect contacts between Tehran and Washington while warning that President Donald Trump’s approach could amount to a delaying tactic aimed at securing broader strategic advantages.

Yet unlike many conservative commentators, he did not reject negotiations outright. Instead, he acknowledged that Iran had already conveyed a five-point proposal to Washington through Pakistani intermediaries and argued that talks could be acceptable if they safeguarded national interests and delivered sanctions relief.

Maleki placed greater emphasis on diplomacy itself, describing it as a pillar of national power and pushing back against factions that rely primarily on military force.

He characterized the current phase of Iran-US relations as one of “suspension,” requiring diplomatic engagement to manage the aftermath of the conflict and protect Iran’s interests.

Despite their differences, both men portrayed negotiations as a necessary component of statecraft rather than a concession.

The limits of establishment support for diplomacy were also underscored by the conservative daily Farhikhtegan, which revisited the experience of the 2015 nuclear deal and described it as a “strategic error.”

The paper argued that any future agreement must satisfy two conditions: reversibility and multilateral guarantees.

Iran, it said, should retain the ability to immediately reverse any commitments if Washington defaults, while financial and political mechanisms should involve other international actors to raise the cost of a future US withdrawal.

While influential clerics, politicians and commentators increasingly portray negotiations as necessary, military confrontation continues to shape the political environment.

The result is a moment in which preparations for a deal and preparations for further conflict appear to be unfolding simultaneously.

Lebanon becomes a test of Trump's Iran diplomacy

Jun 2, 2026, 02:49 GMT+1
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By suspending talks with Washington over Israel's campaign in Lebanon, Tehran has raised the stakes of postwar diplomacy and posed a critical question: is it successfully increasing its leverage, or overplaying its hand?

President Donald Trump announced Monday that Israel and Hezbollah had agreed to halt attacks following a flurry of calls with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and intermediaries linked to the Iranian-backed group.

Hours earlier, however, Iran suspended talks with Washington, citing Israel's military operations in Lebanon and threatening to open new fronts in the conflict.

The diplomatic turmoil comes as Israel carries out its deepest military operations in Lebanon in more than two decades.

Tehran argues the operations violate the broader ceasefire framework established after the US-Iran war, while critics counter that Iran helped create the crisis by insisting Lebanon be included in ceasefire discussions and then backing Hezbollah attacks that prompted Israel's response.

Read the full article here.

Lebanon becomes a test of Trump's Iran diplomacy

Jun 2, 2026, 01:19 GMT+1
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Negar Mojtahedi
Lebanon becomes a test of Trump's Iran diplomacy
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By suspending talks with Washington over Israel's campaign in Lebanon, Tehran has raised the stakes of postwar diplomacy and posed a critical question: is it successfully increasing its leverage, or overplaying its hand?

President Donald Trump announced Monday that Israel and Hezbollah had agreed to halt attacks following a flurry of calls with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and intermediaries linked to the Iranian-backed group.

Hours earlier, however, Iran suspended talks with Washington, citing Israel's military operations in Lebanon and threatening to open new fronts in the conflict.

The diplomatic turmoil comes as Israel carries out its deepest military operations in Lebanon in more than two decades.

Tehran argues the operations violate the broader ceasefire framework established after the US-Iran war, while critics counter that Iran helped create the crisis by insisting Lebanon be included in ceasefire discussions and then backing Hezbollah attacks that prompted Israel's response.

Turning Lebanon into leverage

For some analysts, Iran's actions suggest a regime that believes it emerged from the war with more leverage than many expected.

"I fear that the Iranians are doing what they're doing because they feel that they have the upper hand," Yaakov Katz, an Israeli-American journalist and author of While Israel Slept, told Iran International.

Katz said Tehran may see itself as having weathered the conflict relatively well. The regime survived, its military remains intact despite significant losses, its nuclear program remains unresolved and Washington is still negotiating with it.

From that perspective, Iran may believe it can broaden the scope of diplomacy beyond its nuclear program and force the United States to account for developments in Lebanon.

That is precisely what concerns Katz.

"It's a disaster to connect the two," he said.

If Washington accepts Lebanon as part of the negotiating framework, Katz argues, Tehran could repeatedly use Hezbollah's confrontation with Israel as leverage whenever future diplomatic disputes arise.

The concern comes as Trump balances two competing objectives: preventing a wider regional war while preserving a diplomatic path with Tehran.

On Monday, Iranian-linked media warned that Tehran could expand pressure to the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, another vital global shipping route, while tensions remain elevated in the Strait of Hormuz. The threats renewed concerns about global energy supplies and the economic fallout from a broader regional confrontation.

The price of Tehran's red lines

Eric Mandel, founder of the Middle East Political and Information Network, believes the Lebanon crisis, threats to maritime shipping and suspension of talks are all part of a broader Iranian strategy.

"This is a coordinated strategy that they are using," he told Iran International. "The biggest part of it is that they are looking to delay."

Mandel argues Tehran is attempting to stretch out negotiations while increasing economic and geopolitical pressure on Washington.

The goal, he says, is to test whether the Trump administration is willing to sustain a prolonged confrontation or whether concerns over oil prices, shipping disruptions and economic instability will eventually force concessions.

He believes Iran benefits from uncertainty.

"I think what Iran wants overall is to create a global recession," Mandel said.

Danny Citrinowicz of Israel's Institute for National Security Studies and former head of the Iran branch in Israeli military intelligence sees the situation somewhat differently.

While Katz and Mandel largely view Tehran's behavior through the lens of leverage and strategy, Citrinowicz argues that ideology remains a central factor.

He says Iran does not view Hezbollah, its missile arsenal and its enrichment program as bargaining chips that can simply be traded away. Rather, they are core pillars of the Islamic Republic.

"They cannot sit aside and not retaliate. That is their mentality," Citrinowicz told Iran International.

From Tehran's perspective, he argues, failing to respond to Israeli operations in Lebanon would amount to abandoning a strategic commitment to Hezbollah and undermining principles the regime considers fundamental to its survival.

That distinction may prove critical as Washington weighs its next move.

For Katz, Iran is attempting to exploit Trump's desire for a deal by transforming Lebanon into a bargaining chip. For Mandel, Tehran is deliberately prolonging the crisis to increase pressure on the United States. For Citrinowicz, Iran's actions are driven less by tactical calculations than by ideological red lines it believes it cannot abandon.

What all three agree on is that Lebanon is no longer a side issue. It has become a central test of the fragile diplomacy between Washington and Tehran.

If Trump pressures Israel to halt operations, Tehran may claim it forced Washington's hand. If he does not, Iran appears prepared to use Lebanon, Hormuz and potentially other fronts to argue that the ceasefire framework has already collapsed.

Either way, Tehran appears willing to increase the costs associated with both diplomacy and confrontation as it seeks to shape the next phase of negotiations.

Far-right overreach against Pezeshkian exposes cracks in the hardline camp

Jun 1, 2026, 23:19 GMT+1

Iran’s conservative establishment appears to be pushing back against its own ultra-radical fringe after a hardline lawmaker accused President Masoud Pezeshkian of bypassing the Supreme Leader over the April ceasefire with the United States.

Some Iranian hardliners now appear to be distancing themselves from the “extremist” ultraconservatives who have spent recent weeks attacking the president and the nuclear negotiating team.

Two prominent conservative figures with longstanding ties to Iran’s security establishment have publicly condemned hardline MP Kamran Ghazanfari after he accused Pezeshkian of undermining the authority of Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei.

The fallout from these interventions, and from the incident itself, points to a visible fracture inside Iran’s right wing. It highlights the growing fragmentation of the hardline camp and the marginalization of its far-right fringe, a dynamic that may inadvertently provide the embattled president with some political breathing room.

Read the full article here.