Masoud Pezeshkian reciting a poem, his mother tongue, at a cultural event in Tehran on February 16, 2025
Masoud Pezeshkian's government is facing criticism for failing to support a motion that would have allowed limited ethnic literature courses in secondary schools. The Parliament rejected the motion on Wednesday.
President Pezeshkian speaks both Torki (a Turkic language spoken in northwestern Iran and several other provinces) and Kurdish, his parents' native languages. He has been one of the few officials to advocate for granting official status to ethnic languages under Article 15 of the Constitution. In 2016, he was elected chairman of a parliamentary faction consisting of Torki-speaking lawmakers, with approximately 100 of the 290 members of Parliament joining the group at the time.
However, during Wednesday's debate, Pezeshkian's government representative, Kazem Delkhosh, sided with lawmakers opposing the motion. Delkhosh argued that the proposed plan would create challenges for the educational system, including hiring specialized teachers, and could spark disputes in ethnically diverse regions.
The motion, put forward by the Parliament’s Education Committee, sought to introduce two hours of ethnic literature studies in secondary schools on an optional basis. The proposal was rejected by 130 lawmakers, with 104 voting in favor and five abstaining.
Supporters of the motion cited the Iranian Constitution, which designates Persian as the official language but also guarantees the right to use regional and tribal languages in the media and to teach literature in schools. However, opponents expressed concerns about national unity. Mohammad-Mehdi Shahriari, one of the lawmakers who spoke against the motion, warned that it could "threaten the country’s territorial integrity and national unity.”
Conversely, Alireza Novin, a lawmaker from Tabriz—the capital of East Azerbaijan Province and a majority-Torki-speaking city—strongly criticized the notion that promoting ethnic languages could deepen divisions or endanger national security. During a fiery speech in Parliament, he denounced the argument as baseless.
In an interview with the local news outlet Asr-e Tabriz, Novin further accused presidential candidates of making empty promises regarding the constitutional recognition of ethnic languages. He argued that Pezeshkian's administration, at the very least, should have refrained from opposing the motion.
Amir Karimzad, the managing director of another local media outlet, also took to X (formerly Twitter) to criticize the stance expressed by the government's representative in the Parliament. He claimed that Parliament's rejection of the plan reflected "extremists' fear of the power of ethnic groups."
The decision sparked widespread outrage on social media, with many non-Persian speakers and advocates for mother-tongue education expressing frustration over Parliament's refusal to allow even a limited form of ethnic literature instruction in schools.
The debate over the motion took place just days after the UN-designated International Mother Language Day. On February 21, activists in several Torki- and Kurdish-speaking cities marked the occasion by distributing children’s books and leaflets to raise awareness of the importance of native-language education.
Meanwhile, some others have reported the arrest of Mohammad Asadi in Maragheh for handing out books written in Torki to children. Reports also surfaced that security forces summoned the administrators of a private school in Tabriz after they organized a children’s musical performance featuring songs in Torki at a shopping mall on February 21. Social media users reported that authorities had warned the school against such activities.
Ethnic language activists in Iran are frequently accused of promoting separatism and often face prosecution or imprisonment. Advocates argue that the exclusive use of Persian in education erodes cultural heritage and disadvantages children who do not speak Persian fluently or at all when they begin school.
There are no official statistics on the number of speakers of ethnic languages in Iran. However, languages such as Torki, Kurdish, and Balochi are spoken by millions across the country.
Iran’s former communications minister has sharply criticized the government-controlled economy, arguing that a system favoring insiders stifles creativity and productivity.
“The reality is that in an economy built on rent-seeking, where wealth depends on political connections, creativity has no place,” Mohammad-Javad Azari-Jahromi, who served as telecommunications minister under the Rouhani administration, told a gathering of fintech experts in Tehran.
As Iran’s oil-dependent economy has plunged into crisis over the past five years, local economists, some media outlets, and politicians have increasingly criticized the underlying system while also attributing the downturn to US sanctions.
The term “rent-seeking economy” is increasingly used in Iran to describe a system where politically influential individuals and entities secure economic privileges—such as government subsidies, lack of oversight, and market monopolies—to generate profits without contributing significantly to productivity.
A clear example is the Revolutionary Guard receiving over 30% of Iran’s crude oil for export, rather than relying solely on government budget allocations.
Jahromi implicitly referred to that when he said, “Certain entities can obtain oil under the pretext of bypassing sanctions and then decide whether or not to bring the revenue back. This approach is far easier than putting in the effort to create markets and provide services.”
The former minister explained that “In this rent-seeking environment, there is no incentive for individuals to pursue creativity. Ultimately, the system operates through intermediaries.”
Nearly all of Iran’s banks, automakers, petrochemical plants, steel producers, and various other industries are either government-owned or quasi-public, managed by a politically connected elite. Despite their inefficiency and mounting debts, these industries are deemed essential and remain heavily reliant on continuous government support.
Jahromi noted that banks use their capital to engage in the real estate sector instead of helping new industries. They also own many companies and lend money to their own enterprises instead of others.
“The economy is facing fundamental and obvious obstacles. In this situation, the workforce is migrating, and investment is scarce due to the high level of risk involved,” Jahromi said.
A five-year-old was killed and his mother lost her unborn child when Iran's security forces opened fire on the family's vehicle in the country's turbulent province of Sistan and Baluchestan.
Halvash, a local news website, reported that the child, Yousef Shahli-Bar, who had sustained five gunshot wounds, died after a prolonged wait for medical attention due to the absence of a surgeon.
The mother, Maryam Shahli-Bar, remains in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU) at Khatam al-Anbiya Hospital in Iranshahr.
Halvash reported that after firing on the vehicle, tactical unit forces transported the injured to a hospital before leaving the scene.
The driver of the vehicle, Ramin Shahli-Bar, was arrested by security forces in plain clothes and taken to an undisclosed location, the report added.
No official explanation has been provided regarding the reason for the shooting.
Security forces in Iran have previously been accused of unjustified shootings at vehicles. According to statistics compiled by the Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA), 484 civilians were shot by military personnel in Iran in 2024, with 163 killed and 321 injured.
HRANA reported that in 2023, 402 civilians were targeted, and in 2022, the number was 845.
The shooting comes amid heightened tensions in the Sistan and Baluchestan region following armed clashes between Iranian military forces and Jaish al-Adl, a militant group operating in the region.
A video showing drones flying over Jakigour, a district in Rask County, caused concern among residents.
In Chabahar port, Iranian security forces on Tuesday launched a raid on a residential building using light and semi-heavy weapons, including rocket propelled grenade.
According to Halvash, the house was completely destroyed, and surrounding buildings were damaged. Iranian authorities confirmed that two members of Jaish al-Adl were killed and six arrested. However, in a statement, Jaish al-Adl disputed this, saying no members were detained.
The recent escalation follows a series of attacks attributed to the group. On Saturday, a sound bomb explosion damaged the Chabahar Rural Development Organization headquarters.
In a separate incident, gunmen attacked the Housing Foundation of Sistan and Baluchestan, injuring one staff member. Jaish al-Adl claimed responsibility, saying the attacks were in response to government actions against Baloch communities. The minority group is among the most persecuted in Iran, according to rights groups.
The 2025 report from Human Rights Watch said: "The Iranian government also discriminates against some religious minorities, including Sunni Muslims, and restricts cultural and political activities among the country’s Azeri, Kurdish, Arab, and Baluch ethnic minorities.
Jaish al-Adl has been designated as a terrorist organization by both the Iranian government and the United States.
The group has carried out multiple attacks against Iranian security forces in Sistan and Baluchestan in recent years, the region a hotbed of clashes.
Countries such as the UK sanctioned individuals and entities in Iran following the violent crackdown on protests in the 2022 uprising, including in Sistan and Baluchestan, where in one day, over 80 people were killed by security forces in Zahedan.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov’s visit to Tehran has sparked speculation in Iranian media about whether he is carrying a message from Washington or pushing Moscow’s own agenda at Iran’s expense.
Tehran and Moscow say Lavrov and his Iranian counterpart, Abbas Araghchi, will discuss mutual relations, trade, and economic cooperation, as well as key international issues, including the situation in Syria, during the one-day visit.
The visit follows discussions in Ankara on Monday and comes just a week after his meeting with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Riyadh.
Delivering a message from the United States to Iran?
Iranian media, analysts, and the public have closely scrutinized recent visits by high-ranking foreign officials to Tehran, including Lavrov and the Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, who met with Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei last week. These visits are widely interpreted as potential mediation efforts between Tehran and Washington or as channels for delivering messages from the Trump administration.
A commentary published Tuesday by Iran’s official news agency, IRNA, acknowledged that the purpose of Lavrov’s visit might extend beyond the official agenda. However, it argued that many experts doubt Lavrov is carrying a direct message from the Trump administration. Instead, it suggested that Lavrov might share his assessment of Washington’s approach to Iran and relay Iran’s desired roadmap back to the US in a similar manner.
The commentary also speculated that Lavrov could be conveying Moscow’s own message to Tehran, warning against shifting Iran’s nuclear doctrine or withdrawing from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), as some Iranian ultra-hardliners advocate.
Speaking to the reformist Etemad daily, foreign policy analyst Abdolreza Faraji-Rad cast doubt on the likelihood of Lavrov delivering a direct US message to Tehran.
If such a message were being conveyed, he suggested it might involve Washington offering a temporary reduction in “maximum pressure” sanctions—reimposed by Trump’s executive order on January 20—in exchange for Iran agreeing to direct negotiations over its nuclear program.
Others suggested that Lavrov is simply planning to inform the Islamic Republic about its changing relations with the Trump administration and Ukraine negotiations.
Concerns about Iran being used by Russia as a bargaining chip
Some Iranian media and analysts warned that Iran could be betrayed by Russia and become a bargaining chip in potential negotiations between the Trump and Putin administrations, particularly regarding the Ukraine conflict.
A commentary published Tuesday by Khabar Online, a news outlet close to former conservative Parliament Speaker Ali Larijani, compared Lavrov’s recent meeting with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, and the planned Trump-Putin meeting compared by some to the Yalta Conference of February 1945, which reshaped global geopolitics. The article warned that “Iran is also in danger.”
Khabar Online also quoted former chairman of the Iranian Parliament’s National Security and Foreign Policy Commission, Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh, who argued that Iran is merely a bargaining chip in these negotiations. “I am concerned that Iran may be sacrificed for peace [in Ukraine],” he stated.
Reza Taghizadeh, a Glasgow-based Iranian political commentator, echoed similar concerns on X, speculating that “Lavrov's goal in Tehran is to convince the Islamic Republic to surrender its nuclear program and disband the ‘axis of resistance’ in exchange for avoiding an Israeli military attack and blocking [its] oil exports! … Are the Russians securing [concessions from the US over] Ukraine while offering up Iran [in return]?”
Iranian media outlets and public figures are criticizing Tehran’s proposed budget for allocating substantial funds to the state-run Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) and religious institutions.
Critics saw the allocation of the 350 trillion rials (approximately $400 million) for IRIB as most contentious, noting an increase of 33% compared to last year.
This budget surpasses the combined allocations for several key ministries, including Oil, Foreign Affairs, Cultural Heritage, and Justice.
The $400 million allocation for IRIB would have been $800 million if not for the currency’s sharp devaluation.
In a commentary published by Etemad on Monday, prominent reformist commentator Abbas Abdi sharply criticized Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian for increasing IRIB’s budget.
“What is the government’s justification for financing this inefficient institution? … Why should the public bear the cost of the state television’s revenue decline from advertising?” Abdi wrote, arguing that the drop in revenue is due to a shrinking audience.
IRIB, now dominated by ultra-hardliners aligned with the Paydari Party, offers limited entertainment, instead focusing on religious and political messaging.
Observers also point out that viewers have increasingly turned to foreign-based satellite channels, particularly Persian-language channels, and domestic video-on-demand platforms.
While IRIB claims a 72% viewership, a survey by the state-affiliated Iranian Students Polling Agency (ISPA) indicates a sharp decline. According to ISPA, only 12.5% of respondents now consider IRIB their primary news source, down from 51% in 2017.
Over the past years, the broadcaster has been sanctioned by many Western governments for its role in state propaganda, censorship, and broadcasting forced confessions.
Controversial funding for religious institutions
Beyond IRIB, the increased funding for state-run Islamic propaganda organizations and so-called "cultural institutions" has also sparked backlash. These organizations, which receive tens of millions of dollars in government funding, operate with little transparency and are not subject to government oversight.
Among them is an organization responsible for promoting group prayers in government offices, schools, and universities. Another is tasked with enforcing Islamic obligations, such as wearing the hijab and fasting, while discouraging what it deems sinful behavior.
Other recipients include the Qom-based Imam Khomeini Educational and Research Institute founded by the late Ayatollah Mohammad-Taghi Mesbah-Yazdi, often considered the spiritual father of the Islamic Republic's ultraconservatives, and Al-Mustafa International University in Qom that has branches in over fifty countries and sponsors hundreds of students annually, from China to Africa and Latin America, to study in Iran.
Many critics question the necessity of such expenditures at a time when the country faces severe economic challenges.
"Why is it necessary to spend so much money on foreign seminary students in a country where nearly a million students have dropped out of school mainly due to poverty," journalist Mohammad Parsi wrote on X.
Calls for budget revisions
Speaking to Entekhab last week, former moderate conservative lawmaker Jalal Rashidi Kouchi urged the Pezeshkian to eliminate funding for these institutions, arguing that these have “no [observable] achievement other than fueling public resentment toward the government.”
The government recently submitted the second part of its budget bill to parliament, detailing allocations to IRIB and these controversial cultural institutions. Lawmakers are currently reviewing the bill and must approve it before the Iranian New Year (Norouz) on March 20.
Economic challenges ahead
One of the biggest challenges facing Pezeshkian’s administration—exacerbated by an expected decline in oil exports, Iran’s primary source of revenue—is a growing budget deficit and inflation surpassing 40 percent. The situation has deteriorated further following US President Donald Trump’s recent reinstatement of his "maximum pressure" policy against Iran.
As the budget debate continues and food and commodity prices surge ahead of the Persian New Year, public scrutiny over government spending on propaganda and religious institutions is expected to grow.
According to in-house analysts, the hardline-dominated Parliament is not likely to yield to such concerns and may even approve further increases for some propaganda organizations.
An Iranian cleric has accused a group of seminarians of wielding knives and machetes against protesters during the 2022 nationwide uprising, alleging they clashed with demonstrators before returning in bloodied clothes and changing into clerical robes.
“These people claimed to be seminarians, but after Mahsa Amini’s case, they poured into the streets armed with knives and machetes, confronting the people,” Mohammad Ashrafi Esfahani told the Tehran-based Didban News website.
“They would return in bloodied clothes and then dress as clerics again," he added in the Tuesday interview.
Ashrafi Esfahani said individuals linked to prominent cleric Alireza Panahian were involved in violent crackdowns on protesters.
Mohammad Ashrafi Esfahani
“Has there ever been a precedent in Shia history for a seminarian to wield a machete and attack people? Yet, Panahian’s group did exactly that,” he said of the violence following the death in police custody of Mahsa Amini.
The young woman died at the custody of morality police, sparking the national Woman, Life, Freedom movement.
His comments come amid a broader power struggle between clerical factions, with Ashrafi Esfahani accusing Panahian’s followers of attempting to seize control of religious institutions for financial and political gain.
“We filed a complaint and reported this to the authorities,” he said. “But it is still unclear who is supporting these individuals.”