Government Owes 'Billions Of Trash Cans' To Iranians
A website in Tehran has asked if burning street trash bins by protesters is a bigger damage to public property than large-scale systematic government corruption.
A website in Tehran has asked if burning street trash bins by protesters is a bigger damage to public property than large-scale systematic government corruption.
Protesters in the past four weeks have been routinely setting fire to large street garbage bins to block streets and prevent security forces from approaching demonstrators, and to protest themselves against tear gas.
A host of top officials have called this a costly destruction of public property, with the chairman of Tehran City Council warned recently that the government cannot replace the trash bins so quickly as each cost around $500.
Aftab News, a reformist website has taken issue with these officials, saying that in the first place, the price quoted is almost four times higher than the retail price for these large, square containers.
In an article on Sunday, Aftab News has then listed a series of large-scale corruption cases linked with government officials, regime insiders, banks and pension funds in the past three decades, arguing that these cases cost taxpayers the equivalent of billions of trash bins.
Iran’s economic system is controlled by the government, large religious and military conglomerates, largely based on political influence networks, nepotism and corrupt arrangements. Although the country has exported well above one trillion dollars of oil in this period, economic growth has been anemic and people have become poorer, especially in the past decade.
Aftab News argued that in contrast to officials criticizing protesters, some reformists and others argue that many top figures have remained silent throughout the years regarding government corruption and what people in the streets do is nowhere as destructive as what officials have done. The website pointed out that in the 2021 global corruption ranking Iran was in the bottom quarter, ranking 150 among 180 countries.
Some regime insiders recently have raised their voice saying that corruption has become alarmingly systematic. Ahmad Tavakoli a member of a constitutional body and Mahmoud Sadeghi a former lawmaker are among those who have raised the alarm.
Aftab News quotes others as saying corruption cases that reach the government-controlled media are “the tip of the iceberg,” pointing out that in one $60-billion state “charity” organization not even one employee has been fired or reprimanded over four decades, while the conglomerate is not accountable to parliament or the government.
It also points to one corruption case in government petrochemical exports that reached the courts in recent years and totaled $7.4 billion, equivalent to more than 60 million trash bins.
Aftab News then goes on listing a dozen other large corruption cases, including a decade-old case of $3 billion disappearing from the central bank and the perpetrator now living in Canada. It mentions the case of Babak Zanjani, an insider businessman tasked with exporting oil during international sanctions in 2010-2013, who pocketed at least $2.7 billion and is now in prison sentenced to death.
Just this year in August, a $3 billion case was revealed in the semi-public Mobarakeh steel plant and after two months no one has been arrested, let alone indicted.
Aftab news says that funds lost in just a few of these corruption cases could buy more than 50 billion trash bins, while high-ranking officials, including Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian make a fuss about a few hundred set on fire by protesters.
During this period, Khamenei has made it clear at least twice that he wants the protests to be crushed and protesters punished heavy-handedly. Although a few officials including Interior Minister Ahmad Vahidi and Mashhad Friday prayers Imam Ahmad Alamolhoda have echoed Khamenei’s call for violent crackdown, several politicians including one government minister, a senior aide, and several lawmakers and former state officials have pointed out that the regime needs to make compromises on some of its values in order to peacefully curb the dissent.
Khamenei’s senior aide Ali Larijani, a former speaker of the Iranian parliament, said in an October 12 interview with Ettela’at Newspaper, which is owned and maintained by Khamenei’s office, that the regime’s “insistence on its social values will elicit violent reactions on the part of the protesters.” Quoting another state official as saying that more than 50 percent of Iranian women do not observe the government-imposed dress code, Larijani said: “When a behavior is so widely prevalent in the society it is wrong to involve the police in a bid to curb that behavior.”
Meanwhile on October 11, referring to the government and Iranian hard-liners’ attempt to impose a rekigious lifestyle on modern Iranian women, Tourism Minister Ezzatollah Zarghami asked in a tweet that “what should the people do if they do not wish to be guided by the morality police?”
On Friday, Khamenei’s representative and the Friday prayers imam of Mashhad, accused the critics, including the minister, of undermining the holy Koran and Iran’s constitutional law. He also accused the protesters of not believing in God and his prophet; an accusation that could entail the death sentence for the protesters.
On the same day, Iranian lawmaker, Gholamreza Montazeri, who is the deputy chairman of the Cultural Committee of the Iranian parliament, expressed his opposition to a violent crackdown on protests and called for understanding the new generation which comprises a majority of protesters.
However, instead of addressing Khamenei, which could have endangered his position as a lawmaker, he chose to address the Interior Minister who had echoed Khamenei’s statement. He said: “If you deprive Iranian protestors of voicing their criticism of the system, they will turn to strangers and talk to them.”
Earlier in this week, former labor minister Ali Rabiei and former presidential chief of staff Mohamad Ali Abtahi warned the government, and in fact Khamenei, that “if the dissatisfactions are not addressed properly, dissent will remain active and sooner or later it will find its way into the streets.” They added that "the world is listening to the voice of Iranians' protest and stressed that this voice should be also heard inside Iran."
On Thursday, the editor of Jomhouri Eslami newspaper, Masih Mohajeri and senior cleric Ayatollah Abdollah Javadi Amoli called on the government, as they too shied away from addressing Khamenei for fear of repression, to understand the protesters and the causes of dissent and bring about changes that would make the government efficient in dealing with the country’s problems.
However, regardless of all the criticism and advice from regime insiders, Khamenei finds it hard to listen to anyone. Earlier this week, when Judiciary Chief Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei called for a dialogue between the government and the protesters, he was forced in less than a day to change his words and order the courts of law under his jurisdiction to deal with protesters with utmost firmness and not to ignore the slightest wrongdoing.
This comes while the protesters who take to the streets daily, risking their lives, freedom and property insist that the uprising should continue until the Islamic Republic is toppled.
On Thursday, October 13, the editor of the Islamic Republic newspaper, Masih Mohajeri, wrote in an editorial that "protesters may end the uprising and get closer to state officials if they see that their economic problems are solved and their citizenship rights are respected by those officials."
Without explaining how that would be possible, the editorial stressed that the protesters' demands must be met. Also, without mentioning the government's inefficiency, the editorial pointed out, "There are many individuals in the country who are ready to serve the people, but radical elements have kept them away from the government for various reasons. So, they are isolated, and their capabilities are not used in the management of the country."
Meanwhile, senior cleric, Ayatollah Abdollah Javadi Amoli called on the government "to solve the country's economic problems as everybody issuffering from the painful poverty that is imposed on the people." He further stressed: "There is no whip more painful than poverty." He warned that economic problems will not be solved as long as there are embezzlements and astronomical salaries.”
However, neither Mohajeri, nor Javadi Amoli mentioned that the current government and to a great extent its predecessor were unable to tackle the economic problems which are largely the outcome of counter-productive decisions made by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, his hard-line followers and inner circle.
They did not say how can Iran's economic problems be solved without an effective foreign policy that can end the country's international isolation and lift international sanctions that have paralyzed the country's economy. They also ignored the fact that without abiding by international financial regulations banning sponsorship of terrorism and money laundering, the country's economy will not be linked to global markets.
Insiders who give some constructive advice, however, often do not cross the regime’s red line of calling out Khamenei for imposing an anti-US and anti-West foreign policy on the country. They do not say that without coming to terms with the United States, limiting its nuclear program and stripping it of military dimensions, promising not to intervene in the affairs of regional states and stopping ballistic missile development, Iran will have no future.
Individuals such as Javadi Amoli and Mohajeri, regardless of their goodwill, keep forgetting that there is no visible sign in Khamenei's remarks and other officials' statement to respect citizens’ rights. Instead, there are plenty of defiant and arrogant remarks in the daily news from Iran that show neither Khamenei nor any other official has the slightest inclination to respect civil right. Many analysts have noted that their behavior is similar to those who have occupied a country and are exerting pressure on its residents.
Regardless of the severity of Iranians' financial hardship in recent months, not even a single slogan has been chanted in four weeks of uprising calling for improvement in people's livelihood. Instead, nearly all of the slogans chanted point out that what Iranians want is an end to clerical rule and Khamenei's dictatorship.