Iran International
Fortieth-day ceremonies for Iran’s former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei began on Thursday during a fragile two-week ceasefire with the United States and Israel, as authorities continued to withhold clear information about his burial 40 days after his killing.
State media reported that mourning processions started in the morning across several cities and would continue until 8 p.m. with organized groups moving through urban centers as part of coordinated nationwide commemorations.
Ali Khamenei was killed on February 28 minutes after the war began. Iranian state media confirmed his death the following day, and authorities announced 40 days of public mourning.
Officials have not said where or how he was buried, leaving room for claims that the burial was conducted in secret – or even that his body has yet to be formally interred or recovered.
In Shiite tradition, the fortieth day after death is closely tied to visits to a grave and large public gatherings. The absence of a confirmed burial site has set this commemoration apart, raising questions among observers.
Church ceremony triggers wave of mockery
A separate fortieth-day ceremony held at Tehran’s Saint Sarkis Church on Wednesday drew widespread attention and a flood of mocking reactions online.
The event, attended by Culture Minister Abbas Salehi, marked an unusual venue for a ceremony tied to a central figure in Shiite political and religious life.
“They held a fortieth in a church while his body has not even been buried,” one user wrote. “Someone who literally claimed to be the most devout Muslim still has not even had funeral prayers.”
Another comment took a more scathing tone: “Forty days have passed and his corpse is still lying around. The fortieth is a sacred day in Shiite tradition, when people gather at a grave for a proper ceremony. But for him, none of that is possible.”
Several users framed the situation as symbolic retribution. “This is karma,” one wrote. “They insulted people and denied dignity to the dead for years, and now he has no grave, no ceremony.”
Others directly referenced past state restrictions on mourning for protesters. “They used to prevent families from holding funerals, demand payment for burial, and intimidate mourners,” one user wrote. “Now the same has come back to them.”
The choice of a church as a venue became a focal point of ridicule. “From fear of the followers of Moses to taking refuge with the followers of Jesus,” one comment read.
Another user wrote: “They are holding the ceremony in a church because they know it will not be targeted,” suggesting the decision was driven by security concerns.
Others highlighted what they described as contradiction. “These same authorities arrested and persecuted Christians, and now they are holding a ceremony in a church after keeping his body for 40 days,” one comment read.
Ceasefire backdrop and continued tensions
The commemorations come after 40 days of conflict that continued until Tuesday night, followed by a temporary halt in fighting.
A two-week ceasefire between Tehran and Washington – with Israel backing it – was agreed after last-minute mediation led by Pakistan.
However, explosions and air defense activity were reported in multiple cities on Wednesday and Thursday night, according to local accounts, while strategic islands were targeted in strikes that some media attributed to regional actors.
Confident that US and Israeli strikes would avoid civilian areas, government supporters in recent weeks gathered at evening local events, repeating official narratives and calling for continued confrontation rather than negotiations.
The fortieth-day ceremonies have again provided a platform for such pro-government supporters.
Authorities emphasize continuity
The Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps said in a statement marking the fortieth day that Khamenei’s death was as consequential as his life in advancing the Islamic Republic’s trajectory.
“The loss of the leader is difficult, but enduring his absence is made possible through the continuation of his path and the realization of promised outcomes,” the Guards said.
Videos circulating online also showed a visible presence of Afghan immigrant participants in ceremonies in Tehran, highlighting the broader networks mobilized for the commemorations.
Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza, and Houthis in Yemen were also designated.
The government made the decision on Monday, according to the ministry, which said the measure was taken in line with Costa Rica’s international commitments to combat terrorism and its financing.
The move will "allow intelligence authorities and judicial bodies to strengthen their prevention, investigation, and prosecution capabilities, acting more decisively against any logistical and financial support networks that may be operating within the country to sustain these organizations,” the foreign ministry said.
It added that the designation would help intelligence and judicial authorities strengthen their ability to prevent, investigate and prosecute logistical and financial support networks linked to the groups.
“The designation seeks to prevent any form of action or influence by these groups in Costa Rica, safeguarding the security of the population and integrity of our democratic institutions," according to the statement.
Several countries have moved in recent weeks to designate the IRGC as a terrorist organization, while the Trump administration has urged allies to take similar action against the IRGC and Hezbollah.
Iceland, Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Liechtenstein designated the terror group on March 20, followed by Argentina on March 31.
Western governments have increasingly targeted the IRGC over its regional activities, support for armed groups and role in Iran’s security apparatus.
The Islamic Revolutionary Guards have been designated as a terrorist organization by the United States, Canada, the European Union, and Australia.
Two sources close to the presidential office said a tense exchange took place on Saturday, April 4, between Pezeshkian and Hossein Taeb, a powerful figure close to Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei. Those present described the conversation as unusually difficult and highly charged.
During the meeting, Pezeshkian accused IRGC chief commander Ahmad Vahidi and Ali Abdollahi, commander of Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters – the country’s armed forces' unified command, of acting unilaterally and driving escalation through attacks on regional countries, especially against their infrastructure.
According to the sources, Pezeshkian said those policies had destroyed any remaining chance of a ceasefire and were steering the Islamic Republic directly toward “a huge catastrophe.”
He also warned that, based on what he described as precise assessments, Iran’s economy would not be able to withstand a prolonged war for much longer and that full economic collapse was inevitable under current conditions.
The confrontation comes amid mounting evidence of a broader power shift inside the Islamic Republic, with military and intelligence networks increasingly displacing both the elected government and the traditional clerical order.
Ideological collapse and hidden state
A regional source familiar with internal developments told Iran International in February that the model of velayat-e faqih (guardianship of the jurist) that has defined the Islamic Republic for more than four decades is now undergoing a fundamental transformation and even an “ideological collapse.”
According to that source, the appointment of Mojtaba Khamenei to the leadership, despite lacking the traditional qualifications and legitimacy associated with the position, took place through an opaque process that in practice amounts to the sidelining of the traditional clergy and the consolidation of full control by the Guards’ military-intelligence apparatus.
The source said this process has strengthened what many insiders describe as the Islamic Republic’s “hidden state.”
Iran International has previously reported growing tensions between Pezeshkian and senior IRGC commanders, particularly Vahidi, over how the war should be managed and over its destructive impact on people’s livelihoods and the economy.
On March 28, informed sources said Pezeshkian had criticized the Guards’ approach to escalating tensions and continuing attacks on neighboring countries, warning that without a ceasefire the economy could collapse within three weeks to a month.
Subsequent reporting by Iran International showed that the president’s authority has continued to shrink.
Sources said the Guards have resisted Pezeshkian’s appointments and decisions, effectively stripped the government of executive control and erected a security barrier around the core of power.
According to those reports, Pezeshkian’s attempt to appoint a new intelligence minister collapsed under direct pressure from Vahidi, who rejected all proposed candidates, including Hossein Dehghan, and insisted that all key wartime positions must, for now, be chosen and managed directly by the Guards.
Iran International also reported that Pezeshkian was forced, under direct IRGC pressure, to appoint Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr as secretary of the Supreme National Security Council despite his dissatisfaction with the choice.
Logistical crisis
Alongside the political infighting, fresh field reports received by Iran International point to a worsening human and logistical crisis inside the Guards and the Basij.
Sources said that over the past 72 hours, operational forces have faced acute shortages of basic supplies, including edible food, hygiene facilities and places to sleep.
Recent strikes on infrastructure and bases have left many Guards and Basij personnel sleeping in the streets, and in some areas they have had access to only one meal a day.
According to informed sources, some personnel were forced to buy food from shops and restaurants with their own money after expired rations were distributed.
At the same time, disruptions affecting Bank Sepah’s electronic systems have reportedly delayed the salaries and benefits of military personnel, fueling fresh anger and mistrust within the ranks.
Iran International had previously reported similarly dire conditions in field units, including severe shortages of ammunition, water and food, as well as growing desertions by exhausted soldiers.
Even in the Guards’ missile units, which have historically received priority treatment, sources reported serious communications failures and food shortages. They said commanders were continuing to send only technical components needed to keep missile systems operational, rather than food or basic individual supplies for personnel.
Information obtained by Iran International shows that Hatami, who was executed on April 2, remains unburied as authorities continue to withhold his body.
Hatami was one of the defendants in a case linked to a fire at the Mahmoud Kaveh Basij base on Namjoo Street in eastern Tehran during the January protests.
Others in the same case included Mohammadamin Biglari, Shahin Vahedparast Kalur, Abolfazl Salehi Siavashani and Ali Fahim, all of whom were sentenced to death.
Biglari and Vahedparast were executed on April 5, while Fahim’s execution was carried out on Monday, April 6.
Informed sources told Iran International that Hatami’s body has not been released because his name appeared on a website linked to the Mojahedin-e Khalgh organization, an allegation his family strongly rejects.
Sources familiar with the case said Hatami was an industrial design student at the University of Tehran and was fluent in three languages.
A source with knowledge of the events of January 8 said the case involved seven defendants, none of whom had any role in starting the fire.
According to the source, Hatami and the others entered the Basij base with around 50 other people only after the fire had already broken out.
Minutes later, another fire began. Many managed to escape, but seven people, including Hatami, were unable to flee.
They went to the rooftop, where they were detained by Basij forces and severely beaten, the source said.
Judicial authorities later accused the defendants of trying to gain access to the armory.
After their arrest, the detainees were subjected to severe interrogations and then transferred to Ghezel Hesar prison.
They were denied in-person visits throughout their detention and were allowed only phone calls.
Their trial was presided over by Judge Abolghasem Salavati, and they were denied access to lawyers of their own choosing.
Death sentences were issued on February 7.
Sources told Iran International that the confessions in the case were extracted under pressure and coercion, and that the judicial process ended in executions carried out without the defendants and their families having full knowledge of the proceedings.
In the same case, 28-year-old Shahin Vahedparast was also executed on April 5, and his body, too, has still not been returned to his family, according to informed sources.
Those sources said Vahedparast’s wife was four months pregnant at the time of his execution.
Relatives said he had dreamed of opening a restaurant with her.
