Tensions Mount Over Iran Flag Ahead Of Match With US

Asadollah Jafari on Sunday said Toomaj Salehi faces other charges, including “propaganda activity against the establishment, forming an illegal group with the intention of disrupting the security of the country, cooperating with hostile governments, and spreading lies and inciting others to commit violence.”

However, Jafari said no court has been held for the rap singer yet. Toomaj Salehi was detained in late October after criticizing the Islamic Republic and expressing solidarity with the protest movement after the death of Mahsa Amini in police custody.

This comes as sixteen UN-appointed independent human rights experts urged the Iranian government to stop using the death penalty as a tool to punish protesters.

A US-based human rights group said on Saturday that Toomaj Salehi's trial had begun “without an attorney of his choice,” and his family said his “life is in danger.”

Earlier this month, 126 musicians, poets, artists, and activists called for his release.

Salehi’s arrest came shortly after his interview with the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, saying that “You are dealing with a mafia that is ready to kill the entire nation... in order to keep its power, money and weapons.”

In his politically charged songs such as “Buy a Rat Hole”(2021), Toomaj, a 32-year-old metalworker in Esfahan, spoke out against repression, injustice, poverty, and authorities’ own corruption and impunity from prosecution.

The frequent government shutdown of internet access has caused serious disruption for individuals and small businesses based on digital sales and marketing.

The new measure, dubbed “Regulations to support freelancers active in the country's digital economy," was ratified by the government’s digital economy taskforce on Saturday in 10 articles, which probably will lead to strict monitoring of online activities and ensuring that regime supporters have internet access.

The use of the term ‘freelancer’ might be misleading. The definition in the regulation points to individuals or companies that apply as active in digital economy and approved by the government.

Headed by Communications and Information Technology Minister Issa Zarepour, the taskforce was established last year to coordinate the government’s supervision on online activities among four ministries. 

It defines a freelancer and its range of services, includes instruction on how to create a database of digital ‘freelancers’, sets criteria on their accreditation and how government institutions should interact with them, as well as some insurance and financial matters.

According to the new regulations, the computer trade union has been tasked to set up a database of ‘freelancers’ and their activities within three months.

In its article 8, the Ministry of Information and Communications Technology has been tasked with providing the necessary infrastructure for “high-speed and stable Internet with appropriate level of access for accredited people," without clarifying on the “appropriate access” or who are the “accredited people.”

In another article, the government claims that in order to supervise the “fairness and transparency” of the contracts between freelancers and employers, instructions have been issued for monitoring software platforms. According to the document, the regulations for accreditation into the database will be announced by the ministry upon collaboration among Ministry of Information and Communications Technology, the country's computer trade union organization; Ministry of Cooperatives, Labour, and Social Welfare; Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance; the presidential office of Science and Technology and Knowledge-Based Economy; and last but definitely not least the Intelligence Ministry. 

Many Islamic Republic officials, such as member of the parliament Javad Hassanikia and former Information Minister Mohammad-Javad Azari Jahromi, have talked about providing internet access to university professors or journalists. The move can be a measure to justify replacing the country’s internet with an intranet for the general population who will be disconnected from the world wide web and controlled by the regime’s limited domestic access. Azari-Jahromi was one of the main supporters of the idea of stratifying Internet access inside the country. In an address to the parliament, he defended the idea saying it is not possible to provide the same type of internet to all jobs and ages in the country.

Like almost all measures by the Islamic Republic that sound innocent but pursue ulterior motives, the new move is titled “regulations to support freelancers” but is meant to suppress any critical voice and cajole those who want normal access to the internet to be on the regime’s side. It means that if you want to have access to the internet, the government should be able to monitor your work and make sure you do not engage in any activity or cooperate with anyone the regime deems hostile. 

Black Reward, a hactivist group that found access to Fars News Agency files this week provided an audio tape of a meeting between a Revolutionary Guard general and a group of media managers or representatives from outfits affiliated with the IRGC about plans to use the sporting event to the benefit of the regime in Tehran.

A six-minute audio segment of a tape features General Ghasem Ghoreyshi (Qasem Qoreyshi), deputy commander of the paramilitary Basij and a group of reporters including the one from Fars News who met with him possible in the presence of other trusted reporters to discuss the latest developments including plans for the World Cup.

The meeting took place on Tuesday 15th of November.

Ghoreyshi starts by saying that “anti-revolutionaries” have bought “5,330 tickets” to the tournament and adds that “our boys have checked the list of the ticket holders and at least 500 people” are known opponents of the Iranian regime.

This is the first piece of evidence of collaboration with Qatar, showing that Iran obtained the list of ticket buyers most probably from Qatari authorities.

The Fars representative then asks the General if it is true that Iran’s intelligence ministry had asked Qatar to cancel these tickets. Ghoreyshi says that “Qatar has two different conducts with us – one is a positive response, and it has promised to do that [cancel tickets], but usually they don’t fully deliver. They told us give us the names [of unwanted people], and we will solve the issue.”

Ghoreyshi goes on to say that Qatar also sometimes does not cooperate. At this point he mentions the example of Iran International, saying Qatar asked Iran to provide documents if it wanted the television network to be banned from the World Cup. He then complains that the host country has not still done so. The reporter interrupts telling the General that just the day before, Iran International announced that its reporters have been denied permission to cover the games. Ghoreyshi, who was apparently not aware, shows his surprise and says that Iran discussed the issue with Qatar “the day before”.

In mid-November Iran International announced that Qatar revoked permission for its reporters and TV crew to travel to the country and cover the World Cup. The denial of permission after initial agreement came without an explanation.

Ghoreyshi admits that Iran provided Qatar with “films” related to protests, as documents needed to ban Iran International. These presumably were user-generated videos from the protests that Iran International aired, as did other foreign-based Persian broadcasters.

He goes on to say that Qatar has even promised to control spectators inside the stadiums, not allowing Iranian flags other than the Islamic Republic flag to be displayed.

This is exactly what happened once the games started. During Iran’s second match against Wales on November 25, Iranian fans, who wanted to take flags other than the official one approved by the Islamic Republic to the Al Rayyan’s Ahmad bin Ali Stadium, were stopped by security officers. Many people were barred from carrying or waving Iran’s ancient flag with the Lion and Sun emblem or a simple three-color flag with the main motto of the current wave of protests – Woman, Life, Liberty. Some were even detained for hours by Qatari police.

All this was because of the regime’s concern over dissident Iranians manifesting antigovernment signs and actions that people back in Iran could see on television. Nevertheless, many did chant and boo when the Islamic Republic anthem was played in the stadiums.

This fits into the rest of the conversation in the tape obtained by hackers. The conversation between the IRGC general and reporter(s) reveals an elaborate plan by the Islamic Republic to use the World Cup event in Qatar to win political points amid popular protests.

Ghoreyshi then explains that the government is paying the expenses of its supporters to go to Qatar to attend Iran’s games and show that the Islamic Republic enjoys support.

In fact, images from the stadiums show hundreds of government officials, influential people from the regime’s inner circle, including journalists working for hardliner media in attendance.

An investigation published by the FRANCE 24 Observers showed that the cartridges made by French-Italian manufacturer Cheddite have been used to crack down on demonstrators in Iran.

To conduct the investigation, the team called on Iranians to send photos of ammunition recovered from protests after the death of Mahsa Amini on September 16.

Over 100 photographs and videos showing tear gas canisters, rifle bullets, paintball projectiles and cartridges from shotguns which have been widely used by Iran’s security forces have been analyzed by the team.

While most of the shotgun shells photographed were made in Iran, 13 shells recovered from eight different Iranian cities bore Cheddite logos, says France 24.

Cheddite has factories in Italy and France, with headquarters in Livorno and Bourg-lès-Valence. The company claims to be the world’s largest maker of empty shotgun cartridges and firing caps, producing more than a billion empty cartridges every year.

While the Islamic Republic is under an arms embargo, the use of ammunition made by two Western countries by its security forces has raised the question of how these bullets reached Iran. Such transactions are considered a clear violation of EU laws.

EU Council Regulation passed on April 12, 2011, prohibits the “export, directly or indirectly, [of] equipment which might be used for internal repression” in Iran, including “firearms, ammunition and related accessories.”

The story was first reported by movie director Vahid Vakilifar and Mohammad Reza Shafiei, a producer linked to the Islamic Republic’s inner circles, who criticized the filmmakers, saying that “the enemy's hybrid warfare” has clouded their understanding and judgement of the current developments. 

According to these reports, filmmakers are shooting the same scenes both with hijab and without, leaving the impression that they think the Islamic Republic’s mandatory dress code may be relaxed in future.

Later on, people on social media said that not only the movies are being filmed both with and without hijab, some series for home streaming services are also being shot both ways.

An official with the Islamic Republic’s Cinema Organization, a body that works under the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, denied the reports on November 23, and threatened if the news is true, the production of the films will be stopped at any stage. Bahman Habashi warned of “irreparable consequences for the creators.” He also called on investors, producers and directors to be careful about the consequences of any violation of the country's official laws on their reputation, credit and capital. 

It is not yet clear who are the filmmakers who are purportedly making such movies or how they are funded or whether the movies are being produced for screening inside the country. 

Kianoush Ayari’s movie "Couch," in which the actresses do not have headscarves, but instead wear wigs, is still banned, or another movie “The Killer and the Savage” by Hamid Nematollah, in which the main character is a woman with a shaved head has not given permission for screening.

Although producing movies or shows in two version seems costly and arduous, there are some very famous examples for it, such as The Message, a 1976 epic flick by Syrian-American Moustapha Akkad that chronicles the life of Islam’s Prophet Muhammad. Having consulted with Islamic clerics in a thorough attempt to be respectful towards Islam, Akkad simultaneously filmed two versions of the drama - one with an international cast in English and one an Arabic version with an Arab cast.

However, there are some people on social media who believe these rumors were created by regime insiders to justify the crackdown on filmmakers. This may be true because there are a few government-backed companies which want to control all film and TV series production and distribution. They have an interest in banning films or arresting independent filmmakers. 

In recent weeks, a large number of actresses and female filmmakers as well as sports celebrities have posted photos of themselves without the Islamic Republic’s mandatory hijab as a show of solidarity with antigovernment protests, ignited by the death of 22-year-old woman Mahsa Amini in custody of the country’s hijab – or the so-called morality – police. 

Such acts of defiance by actresses have become extremely troubling for the Islamic Republic’s state broadcaster that has to remove them from TV series and movies they had appeared in or stop airing the shows altogether. 

The regime has also arrested several of the celebrities who have unveiled in public and has threatened many with bans on their works and leaving the country. However, such measures seem futile as the list of people who are getting banned are increasing day by day. Even if the production of movies with a veiled and unveiled cast is only a rumor, it shows that many people are imagining the country’s cinematic landscape free of the Islamic Republic.