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ANALYSIS

Iran managing the inflation statistic, not the inflation

Mohamad Machine-Chian
Mohamad Machine-Chian

Iran International

Aug 3, 2026, 21:00 GMT+1

A month-long banking outage helped Iran’s Central Bank claim inflation had nearly halved, even as prices stood 84 percent higher than a year earlier and food costs continued to rise sharply.

In late July, the governor of Iran's central bank, Abdolnaser Hemmati, announced a victory: monthly inflation, he said, had been nearly halved in a single month — from 7.4 percent in the month ending June 21 to 3.6 percent in the month ending July 22 — thanks to “measures and tools at the bank’s disposal.” He did not name a single tool.

Numbers like these need translation. Monthly inflation is a standard statistic everywhere, but in Iran it is the number people live by: when prices move this fast, the month-to-month change is what a household actually feels at the store.

By the central bank’s own report, prices are now about 84 percent higher than a year ago. Even the “victory” month is nothing to celebrate: 3.6 percent, repeated for 12 months, compounds to an annual rate above 50 percent.

What the announcement omitted is that for almost exactly that statistical month, Iranians could not use their banks.

On June 13, electronic services failed at four major state banks. The state-linked company that runs their infrastructure claimed a cyberattack and said it had taken backup systems offline as a precaution, while official promises of a fix kept slipping.

On June 23, a second wave hit eight banks. Card readers went dead and banking apps would not load in a country where everyday life runs on debit cards, leaving millions of people unable to reach their own money for weeks.

Bank Melli, one of Iran’s largest banks, later waived late-payment penalties for a precisely defined window: June 13 to July 14. That amounted to a full month of disruption, by the bank’s own admission.

The same month piled on more. The state semi-shut the country for about a week in early July for Ali Khamenei’s funeral ceremonies. In the second week of July, fighting with the United States resumed and the naval blockade of Iran’s ports returned.

Extreme heat and a failing power grid then closed offices and banks in several provinces in the final week. In a month like that, a great many purchases simply never happened — not because prices had calmed, but because buying was impossible. A purchase that cannot happen puts no pressure on prices.

The central bank’s own report records the tell. Food inflation — groceries, the most card-dependent of all purchases — collapsed from 8.7 percent to 1.8 percent.

The dials the governor did not mention moved the other way: prices versus a year earlier accelerated, and the 12-month average rose from 57.7 to 61.4 percent.

Street prices told the same story. The announced consumer price of a carton of eggs rose about 20 percent between late May and mid-July, roughly double the official inflation rate for the same stretch.

Halving an inflation rate ordinarily requires tight money sustained over a long period. In Iran’s case, no tightening of any kind occurred: deposit rates did not move until late July, liquidity kept growing rapidly, and there was no sign of fiscal restraint.

A central bank that possessed a painless one-month cure would also need to explain why it kept that cure in the drawer while annual inflation has averaged above 40 percent over the past five years.

There is an old warning in economics, associated with the British economist Charles Goodhart, that when a measure becomes a target, it ceases to be a good measure. Iran’s monthly inflation rate has now completed that journey.

In July, it stopped measuring price pressure in the Iranian economy and began measuring something else: the downtime of the country’s payment system.

A government can manage inflation, or it can manage the inflation statistic. Only one of these shows up at the grocery store.

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Economic crisis drives Iranians to sell hair, rent laptops

Aug 3, 2026, 11:27 GMT+1
100%

Iranian households are increasingly selling personal belongings ranging from natural hair to empty perfume bottles and renting out or borrowing basic work tools such as laptops, reflecting deepening economic hardship, the semi-official ILNA news agency reported on Sunday.

The report described the trend as the emergence of a "survival economy," in which even the smallest household possessions have become tradable assets as families struggle with soaring inflation and shrinking purchasing power.

Online classified advertisements, according to ILNA, increasingly feature offers to sell used work shoes and clothing, empty perfume bottles and natural hair for extensions, alongside listings advertising the rental of property deeds, salary slips and other financial guarantees.

From laptops to perfume bottles

The agency also highlighted growing demand for laptop rentals, with users seeking temporary access to devices for basic tasks such as typing documents, using Microsoft Office software or attending online classes.

"What may initially appear strange or even humorous actually reflects declining purchasing power, changing consumption patterns and households' efforts to generate cash," ILNA wrote.

The shift, The report said, illustrates how ownership is increasingly giving way to renting, while everyday items are being used until the very end of their economic value.

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The findings come as inflation continues to weigh on Iranian households. According to the Statistical Center of Iran, annual inflation reached 66% in the Iranian month ending in late July, while year-on-year inflation stood at 87.9%.

A 'survival economy'

The growing number of advertisements, the report said, reflects a broader transformation in household finances, where assets once considered worthless or purely personal are increasingly being converted into immediate sources of income.

The agency said many sellers now bundle together low-value household items to improve their chances of making a sale, while advertisements offering natural hair have also become more common, with prices ranging from negotiable sums to several million rials depending on length, color and quality.

The report follows other recent signs of mounting financial pressure, including the spread of installment payments for healthcare and pharmaceuticals, as many Iranian families struggle to cover everyday expenses.

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The expansion of the market for second-hand goods, rentals and personal assets, ILNA said, reflects a growing effort by households to generate cash in an economy where almost anything can become a source of income.

China helps Iran chip away at US air superiority despite Xi’s no-arms pledge

Aug 1, 2026, 21:00 GMT+1
•
Kerri Bitsoff
100%
President Donald J. Trump meets with President Xi Jinping in China, May 14, 2026.

Xi Jinping’s promise to Donald Trump that China would not arm Iran is being tested by Tehran’s alleged pursuit of Chinese MANPADS, relatively cheap weapons that could make future US and Israeli air campaigns more dangerous and expensive.

In April, an American F-15 fighter jet was shot down over southwestern Iran, likely by a Chinese-made shoulder-fired missile. Both crew members ejected and were rescued, one of them after two days on the ground in the foothills of the Zagros Mountains.

The loss was historic. No American fighter had been downed by enemy fire in decades.

Iran has reportedly been sourcing these weapons from China, through schemes Washington has been watching for months.

In early May the Treasury Department put one scheme on the public record, sanctioning a network of middlemen arming the Islamic Republic with Chinese weapons, including shoulder-fired missiles. Days later, President Trump traveled to Beijing for a state visit with Xi Jinping.

In late July, he told the public that Xi had personally assured him China would not, “under any circumstances,” sell weapons to the Islamic Republic.

Five days later Reuters reported that a Chinese company had agreed to supply the Islamic Republic with 300 to 400 shoulder-fired air defense missile systems in a deal worth $60 to $70 million.

While the two leaders met and traded assurances, the Islamic Republic appears to have kept buying, likely working several supply channels at once.

The reported deal could help the Islamic Republic close a dangerous gap at exactly the wrong time for Washington. During the 12-day war in June 2025, Israeli aircraft operated over Iran almost at will after the opening strikes severely damaged the country’s air-defense network. The United States later joined the campaign with strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities.

A shoulder-fired missile will lose most encounters with a modern fighter, but it only has to win occasionally. After the April shootdown, every pilot flying low over Iran has to assume there may be a missile team underneath him, so planners may fly higher or less often, and spend more time and aircraft clearing threats before anyone goes in.

It’s the same effect CIA-supplied Stinger missiles had during the Soviet–Afghan War after 1986, when they made low-altitude flying dangerous enough to force Soviet pilots to change their tactics.

We’ve already seen the effect of this strategy at sea, where the Islamic Republic’s missiles, mines and drones along the Strait of Hormuz have sunk few ships yet collapsed traffic and multiplied insurance costs.

These missiles reach only a few thousand meters into the sky. They cannot touch high-flying aircraft or ballistic missiles, and they will not rebuild the air defense shield the Islamic Republic lost. What they will do is make low-altitude missions—including helicopter operations and some strike and support flights—riskier and more expensive

Since the ceasefire, Basij and Revolutionary Guard units around the country have been training with shoulder-fired air-defense weapons. They also won’t all stay in Iran.

Iran has previously been accused of supplying MANPADS to allied armed groups like the Houthis and Hezbollah, raising the risk that some systems could leave the country. Shoulder-fired missiles have also posed a longstanding threat to civilian aviation worldwide.

China’s answer to all of this has been denial. When NBC reported that a Chinese missile likely downed the F-15, Beijing dismissed the reporting as a groundless smear. When Reuters described the new deal in July, the foreign ministry called it “completely groundless” as well.

Reuters reports that the contract runs through a company registered in Hong Kong and that the missiles are set to travel from Urumqi in western China through Pakistan into Iran. Pakistan, which brokered April’s ceasefire, denies any role.

Strategic credulity?

Trump has taken America’s adversaries at their word before. Xi told him China would not arm the Islamic Republic, and he repeated the assurance to the public as though it settled the matter.

When Volodymyr Zelensky said in late July that Russia was feeding the Islamic Republic satellite imagery to help target American bases, Trump said he would ask Putin about it. He says what he says with a purpose.

Repeating Xi’s promise keeps the relationship warm and the Washington visit on track, while his own government sanctions the middlemen and works to stop the shipments. The message serves diplomacy and the action deals with the missiles, and he sees no contradiction in running both at once.

The Islamic Republic never puts all its eggs in one basket. Washington got ahead of one channel, and we are starting to see the others. The network Treasury sanctioned in May ran through Hong Kong, Belarus and Dubai, while the reported July deal runs through a different Hong Kong company and a different route, through Pakistan.

As the reported Chinese deals advanced, Tehran also signed an agreement with Russia, as reported by the Financial Times, for roughly half a billion euros’ worth of Verba shoulder-fired missiles.

Every route runs at once, and the Islamic Republic plans on losing a few. The first Chinese shipment is said to be weeks away. It should be one that the Islamic Republic loses.

Where steak is a dream

Jul 31, 2026, 03:01 GMT+1
•
Kambiz Tavana
100%
An image of a home-made steak that an Iranian user posted on X

A social media exchange about steak struck a chord among Iranian users this week, turning one young user's dream into a broader conversation about economic hardship and political frustration.

Replying to a couple who shared photos of a home-cooked steak after losing weight together, the 20-year-old user wrote: "Please don't laugh at me, but one of my dreams is to eat steak once in my life."

The exchange quickly spread across Persian-language social media, drawing more than 750,000 views and over 11,000 likes.

When the couple later revealed their meal had cost around 1.5 million tomans, the user replied: "Sister, I live for three weeks on 1.5 million... what are you talking about?"

Others responded with a mixture of empathy and anger.

"We're not laughing," one user wrote. "We're cursing the ones responsible for making steak one of our dreams."

Another observed that with meat costing around two million tomans per kilogram, "it's clear most of society has never eaten steak."

The exchange reflected a broader reality: for many Iranians, red meat has shifted from an ordinary part of the diet to an occasional luxury—or, for some, an aspiration.

In June 2025, Masoud Rasouli, secretary of the Meat Production and Packaging Association, said annual meat consumption had fallen had fallen to as little as seven kilograms per person from a previous average of 18 kilograms.

While some people still managed to consume around 20 kilograms a year, he said, others no longer ate red meat at all.

The decline has continued amid persistent inflation, repeated currency depreciation, the removal of preferential exchange rates for many essential imports, and the economic effects of conflict and sanctions.

Although the minimum wage rose by around 60 percent in March 2026, analysts say it has failed to keep pace with the cost of a basic nutritional basket, while many households already spend between 50 and 70 percent of their income on housing.

One reply captured the gradual narrowing of everyday diets:

"The most luxurious thing I've eaten in about seven months was an Italian pizza. Honestly, these days I can't even afford grilled chicken."

The shift is visible across many households. Families that once regularly bought red meat have increasingly turned to chicken, then eggs, and in some cases to cheaper staples as rising prices steadily narrowed their choices.

The viral exchange did not reveal an unknown hardship. It simply gave it a sentence, offering many users another way to express both economic despair and political frustration.

One comment perhaps best captured the connection many Iranians drew between everyday hardship and the country's political order:

"Iran will be free soon, and then I'll treat you to a proper steak, God willing."

Tehran tests a more confrontational strategy

Jul 30, 2026, 01:13 GMT+1
•
Maryam Sinaiee
100%
An image released by citizen journalist Vahid Online purports to show missiles launched from central Iran toward Jordan early Wednesday, July 29, local time

Iran's ballistic missile strike on US forces in Jordan and its seizure of three oil tankers in the Strait of Hormuz have dealt a fresh blow to efforts to preserve last month's Iran-US understanding.

After Iran fired several ballistic missiles toward a US military base in Jordan early Wednesday Tehran time, US President Donald Trump vowed to hit back hard.

Hours later, the naval arm of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) announced it had struck and detained three "offending" oil tankers in the Strait of Hormuz.

Several analysts said the combination of the Jordan strike and Tehran's actions in the Strait of Hormuz suggested Iran was no longer content to react to US pressure but was instead trying to seize the initiative and reshape the course of the confrontation.

Political analyst Ruhollah Rahimpour told Iran International the overnight missile launches and the Hormuz operation reflected a deliberate strategy of escalation.

"I think last night's missile operations in Jordan and the Strait of Hormuz are part of the Islamic Republic's strategy of escalating tensions and trying to accelerate a full-scale war with the United States and Israel, forcing them into conflict before they are fully prepared," he said.

‘Ready for broader conflict’

Despite the latest escalation, Trump insisted talks with Tehran would continue. A day earlier, he told Fox News negotiations were progressing well but warned that if no agreement was reached, Washington could strike Iran's underground facilities, bridges and power plants.

The strike also marked the first time Iran had targeted a US military installation without first coming under direct US attack, although Tehran has repeatedly argued that the continuing US maritime blockade itself constitutes an act of war.

Political analyst Shahir Shahid Saless argued Tehran appears to have concluded that maintaining the current status quo is no longer strategically sustainable while Iran remains under severe economic pressure and a maritime blockade.

According to Shahid Saless, Iranian leaders believe that if Washington's strategy is to prolong a "no war, no peace" situation indefinitely, Iran will gradually be worn down while the United States enjoys the benefits of an undeclared ceasefire.

"From Tehran's perspective, this situation must be disrupted, even if the cost is a broader conflict," he wrote.

He added that renewed attacks carry only a limited risk of triggering all-out war while serving a more important strategic objective: demonstrating to Washington that it cannot unilaterally determine when conflict begins or ends.

Hormuz complicates diplomacy

The military escalation has unfolded alongside increasingly difficult negotiations over navigation through the Strait of Hormuz.

Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi said Tuesday that Oman had proposed dividing responsibility for a new shipping lane equally between the two countries, but insisted the arrangement failed to address Iran's concerns.

Former Israeli intelligence official Danny Citrinowicz argued the latest attacks reflected what he described as a post-Khamenei doctrinal shift, with Tehran now prepared to initiate offensive operations rather than relying primarily on deterrence.

"Today Iran is also prepared to initiate offensive moves and to rely deeply on its missile array, drones and regional proxies,” Citrinowicz wrote on X.

"The leadership in Tehran is prepared to take significant risks because it sees the current confrontation as a decisive battle over its regional status and its ability to shape the security reality in the Middle East."

Former Iranian diplomat Kourosh Ahmadi argued Oman has little room to accommodate Tehran because of its obligations under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and pressure from Washington and regional states.

"The problem now is that the Strait of Hormuz has become an issue of prestige for both Iran and the United States, making it unlikely that either side will easily accept the other's conditions."

Regional conflict widens

Saudi Arabia announced Tuesday that it had intercepted several drones launched from Iraq towards Saudi oil facilities, blaming Iran-backed groups.

In response, Saudi and US forces jointly bombed positions held by the Iran-aligned Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) in Iraq for the first time, reportedly killing numerous fighters..

The US Central Command and Saudi officials described the operation as retaliation for more than 30 drone attacks over three days targeting US forces and Saudi energy infrastructure, allegedly carried out by Iraqi groups aligned with Iran under IRGC direction.

Iran's state broadcaster IRIB quoted an unnamed military official as denying any Iranian involvement in projectiles launched from other countries towards Saudi Arabia and calling claims linking Tehran to such attacks "a major miscalculation."

Commenting on the broader trajectory of the crisis, social media commentator Tohid Javadi warned that a much larger confrontation could lie ahead.

"A major—perhaps very major—conflict may be approaching. Under the current circumstances, neither the Islamic Republic can surrender nor does Washington appear willing to reach an understanding without extensive bombing and breaking a few of Iran's bones."

What does Trump mean by 'finish the job' in Iran?

Jul 29, 2026, 18:33 GMT+1
•
Negar Mojtahedi
100%
U.S. President Donald Trump, U.S. Vice President JD Vance, U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, and Eric Trump, attend the funeral service for late U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham (R-SC) at Washington National Cathedral in Washington, D.C., U.S., July 28, 2026.

President Donald Trump's repeated vow to "finish the job" in Iran appears to extend well beyond Tehran's nuclear program, according to experts, pointing instead to a broader plan to permanently weaken its military power, regional reach, and potentially its hold on power.

As Trump prepared to meet Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the White House on Tuesday, he again warned that if Tehran refused to reach a nuclear deal, the United States would "finish the job."

The question became more urgent after Iran's surprise strike on US forces in Jordan—the Islamic Republic's first preemptive attack of the war rather than a retaliatory one—prompted Trump to declare the United States would "beat the fu*king sh*t out of" Iran.

"It's not just the nuclear program," said retired Admiral Robert Harward, a former deputy commander of US Central Command, arguing that Iran must lose not only its ability to build a nuclear weapon but also its capacity to threaten the region through missiles, drones and proxy forces.

Harward, a retired US Navy SEAL who lived in Iran before the 1979 revolution, said any lasting solution would require dismantling Tehran's broader military architecture, securing freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz and limiting its ability to project force across the Middle East.

"I think when President Trump says 'finish the job,' he does mean something beyond that," he said.

Trump has never publicly defined the phrase, leaving it open to a range of military and political interpretations. While some see it as shorthand for permanently dismantling Iran's nuclear programme, others argue it points to a broader effort to weaken Tehran's ability to threaten its neighbours and rebuild after the war.

Blaise Misztal, vice president for policy at the Jewish Institute for National Security of America (JINSA), argued that Iran's nuclear programme is ultimately a symptom rather than the underlying problem.

"So long as that regime is in power, we're going to continue to be under threat," he said.

Harward went further, arguing that "a change of government in Tehran has to be the ultimate end state" because only a different government could permanently redirect Iran's resources away from military confrontation and toward rebuilding the country.

Neither expert presented regime change as current US policy. Trump himself has stopped short of making that case, even as his rhetoric has grown increasingly aggressive.

Earlier this week, Trump suggested the United States could strike Iran's bridges, infrastructure and power plants while insisting he wanted to avoid harming the Iranian people.

Harward argued those comments point not simply to an expanded bombing campaign but to a strategy of economic and military isolation.

"I'd like to see them shut down the airspace. I'd like to see them shut down the borders," he said, arguing that restricting the state's ability to move goods, people and military equipment could prove as consequential as direct military strikes.

Harward also raised the possibility of limited ground operations. Distinguishing them from the large-scale invasions of Iraq or Afghanistan, he described highly targeted missions to seize or destroy specific military objectives as "a very viable option."

The broadest interpretation of Trump's slogan concerns the future of the Islamic Republic itself. For now, however, his repeated promise to "finish the job" remains deliberately open-ended.

Whether it ultimately means dismantling Iran's nuclear programme, crippling its military capabilities or creating the conditions for political change may depend less on Trump's rhetoric than on how the war itself unfolds.