Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian has signed into law the country’s conditional accession to the United Nations Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism (CFT), approving it only within the limits of Iran’s constitution and domestic legislation.
In a formal decree on Tuesday, Pezeshkian instructed the judiciary, the ministries of interior, intelligence, justice, foreign affairs, and economy, as well as the Central Bank, to implement the law in accordance with national regulations -- a condition that could limit its impact even as Tehran seeks to ease its isolation from the global financial system.
Under conditions set by parliament and endorsed by the Expediency Council, Iran will act “within the framework of the constitution,” and in cases where any provision of the convention conflicts with national laws, “domestic legislation will take precedence,” council spokesman Mohsen Dehnavi said.
The move, which follows years of political wrangling, comes just a day before the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) plenary in Paris on October 22–24, where delegates from over 200 jurisdictions will discuss mutual evaluations and global efforts to combat money laundering and terror financing.
Iran’s Financial Intelligence Unit chief, Hadi Khani, has traveled to Paris to attend FATF plenary for the first time in six years at the group’s official invitation, according to state media.
Khani, who also serves as deputy economy minister and secretary of Iran’s Anti–Money Laundering and Counter-Terrorist Financing Council, is expected to outline Iran’s progress on its action plan, focusing on the recent approval of its accession to the UN Palermo Convention against transnational organized crime.
The Iranian delegation will brief FATF members on legislative and implementation steps and coordinate future meetings to address questions and clarify outstanding issues, IRNA reported.
In May, Iran’s Expediency Council, conditionally approved the country’s accession to the Palermo Convention, one of the two key legislative items tied to the FATF standards, alongside the CFT.
The Expediency Council, overseen by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, mediates disputes between parliament and the Guardian Council, a body that vets laws and candidates.
Supporters say joining the UN convention could help Iran align with FATF standards, reconnect with global banking systems, and attract investment, while hardliners warn it risks exposing financial channels used to evade US sanctions and fund regional allies.
Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf sent the bill to Pezeshkian for implementation under Article 123 of the constitution last week after lawmakers rejected a conservative-backed motion to block the move, clearing the way for Iran to finalize its accession.
Iran and North Korea remain the only two countries still outside the FATF framework.
The current state of China–Iran relations is unusually difficult to assess. Both governments continue to affirm their “strategic partnership,” but beyond the rhetoric the reality is less clear.
On paper, the two countries are bound by a 25-year cooperation agreement signed in 2021, covering trade, infrastructure, energy and security.
Yet China has remained notably cautious during Iran’s recent crises. Despite being Tehran’s largest oil customer and a key diplomatic partner, Beijing largely stayed on the sidelines as Israeli strikes hit Iranian territory.
In practice, the partnership operates within strict limits. While Sino-Iranian economic relations have been stagnating, China’s ties with Saudi Arabia and other Gulf monarchies have expanded dramatically.
Expectations meet caution
During the 12-day confrontation with Israel, some Chinese analysts urged a more proactive role—mediation, public condemnation of Israeli strikes or closer military cooperation.
But Beijing did little, triggering accusations in Tehran that it failed to grasp the Islamic Republic’s strategic value in its rivalry with the United States.
China should have done more, many asserted, rarely elaborating on what that more could look like.
Direct military or political backing, however, would have risked confrontation with Washington and jeopardized China’s broader regional network.
Oil as quiet support
Where China’s support has been most tangible is in energy trade. The world's top importer of oil is Iran's main, almost sole, customer.
Despite sanctions, imports of Iranian crude have continued to grow in 2025, with tankers often re-flagged or disguised to evade detection. This provides Tehran with a crucial lifeline.
For Beijing, the motive is less political than practical: discounted Iranian oil fits its strategy of stockpiling reserves and securing cheap energy while global prices remain low.
Dependence by default
With UN sanctions back in force, Iran faces renewed isolation from global finance, trade, and technology. That leaves Tehran even more dependent on a handful of partners—above all, China.
A recent review of Iranian media published by the ChinaMed Project confirms this.Iran’s leaders—or at least parts of the elite—prize strategic autonomy and resent reliance on any single power, yet options are scarce.
Russia, itself sanctioned and weakened, offers little beyond rhetoric. China, by contrast, provides trade, energy purchases, and a degree of diplomatic cover, making it Iran’s indispensable partner whether Tehran likes it or not.
The trajectory of Iran-Saudi relations will be decisive. If détente holds, Tehran may find limited room to maneuver; if it collapses, dependence on Beijing will only deepen.
Looking ahead
The return of UN sanctions on Iran coincides with Donald Trump’s unveiling of a new peace plan.
Beijing’s official line is that it “welcomes all efforts” toward peace based on a two-state solution. Chinese experts, however, are skeptical, arguing that peace will be impossible without recognizing Palestinian statehood—a position long enshrined in Chinese diplomacy.
Many Chinese commentators also see Trump’s plan as a US bid to reassert dominance, protect Israel’s interests, and strengthen Arab-Israeli ties.
Beijing opposes none of these in principle, but grows wary when they appear designed to isolate Tehran further, potentially undermining China’s own mediation between Iran and Saudi Arabia.
Beijing’s challenge is to sustain its balancing act: maintaining economic ties with Tehran, preserving partnerships with Iran’s Arab neighbors, and avoiding direct confrontation with Washington.
For Tehran, choices are narrowing. The more isolated it becomes, the more it must rely on China, even if that means accepting a subordinate position in the relationship.
China’s support for Iran remains significant but measured, rooted more in calculation than ideology. As sanctions bite and isolation deepens, Beijing’s role may grow—but within limits that protect China’s own interests above all.
“What once felt dangerous has become routine. For many, normalizing these threats is no longer a choice" said Sato on a social media post written in Persian on X.
A group of United Nations human rights experts joined Sato in a statement in August saying threats and harassment of BBC Persian and Iran International journalists have surged since a 12-day war between Iran and Israel in June.
Journalists abroad and their families inside Iran have faced death threats, surveillance, and smear campaigns, while some relatives have been interrogated, detained, or had their passports confiscated.
They said women journalists face particularly violent gender-based harassment, both online and through intimidation of their relatives inside Iran.
Iran International filed an urgent appeal in August with the experts urging them to take action against Iran over serious risks to the lives and safety of their journalists worldwide and relatives inside Iran.
UN experts said several UK-based journalists have required police protection, with some forced to move into safe houses or relocate abroad.
The experts said such actions violate fundamental rights including freedom of expression, privacy, and personal security, urging Tehran to halt all intimidation and investigate the attacks.
Sato added that Iranian journalists and activists told her they had “normalized” living under constant threat, redefining what it means to feel safe. That normalization, she warned, has led to self-censorship, withdrawal from public life and in some cases, abandoning their work entirely.
“Many journalists and human-rights defenders I spoke with have begun to normalize transnational repression — they see constant threats, phishing attempts, and cyberattacks as part of daily life," said Sato.
Her comments follow similar findings by the UK Parliament’s Intelligence and Security Committee, which reported at least 15 Iranian-linked kidnapping or assassination attempts in Britain since 2022.
Iran’s government has denied the allegations, calling them politically motivated.
In its response to the UN, Iran’s Permanent Mission to the United Nations in Geneva described BBC Persian and Iran International as “propaganda outlets” and said any actions taken against them were lawful measures to protect national security.
Rights groups had previously reported that the child, identified as Zolfaghar Sharafi, was killed by direct police fire. New information suggests that officers left the scene without assisting the wounded boy or his family.
The sources said police allegedly opened fire after stopping the vehicle for lacking a license plate, injuring Zolfaghar and his younger sister, Tahani.
They said the officers then departed, leaving the injured family by the roadside. The boy died at the scene from heavy bleeding after failing to receive medical treatment in time.
Tahani, who sustained gunshot wounds to her arms and pelvis, was later taken to Ahvaz Golestan Hospital, where the cause of injury was recorded as a “conflict with the state,” according to sources.
Her family was told to pay 150 million tomans (around $1,400) for surgery, which was delayed for three days due to financial hardship before being performed at another hospital.
The sources, citing statements by government officials, said that the officers involved in the shooting have been arrested, but no information has yet been released about their identities or current status.
Rights organizations have documented repeated incidents of security forces firing at civilian vehicles in recent years, often resulting in the deaths of passengers, including children.
The killing of Zolfaghar Sharafi adds to a growing list of minors allegedly shot by security personnel in various provinces, incidents that have rarely led to public accountability.
