US Envoy Extends Norouz Greetings To People Of Iran

Khari, detained previously for burning a picture of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in front of the the Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) headquarters, reportedly faced torture during his captivity.

Having been arrested in September 2022, Khari endured 40 days of solitary confinement and three months in prison. After his release, he was repeatedly summonsed and interrogated by the IRGC.

In the wake of the 2022 protests sparked by Mahsa Amini's death, close to 20,000 Iranians were apprehended by government authorities either during or in the intervals between protest periods. While a number have been subsequently released, a handful have succumbed to mysterious and premature deaths.

In a similar vein, other incidents earlier have happened involving Iranian protesters. Yalda Aghafazli, a 19-year-old protester died in April last year under mysterious circumstances after her release from prison, with tests revealing narcotics in her system. Meanwhile, Arshia Emamgholizadeh, a 16-year-old arrested for a minor offense, ended his life shortly after release, due to the trauma inflicted during his detention.

Such incidents highlight the grave human rights violations and the toll they take on the mental and physical well-being of Iranian citizens.

But, within the limited timeframe of the Biden administration's tenure, Iran finds itself at a critical juncture.

In blatant disregard of Western admonitions, Tehran persists in advancing its nuclear agenda alongside intensifying its proxy conflicts across the Middle East – its pursuits extending to brazen actions such as the killings of US servicemen in Syria.

And all the while, as it employs its own version of a maximum pressure campaign against the West, Tehran remains steadfast in its insistence on sanctions relief.

In the face of Iran's destabilizing actions and ahead of the presidential election, President Biden appears inclined towards appeasement.

Amid the war in Gaza, the US reissued a $10 billion Iran sanctions waiver – with critics arguing loudly that it frees up billions in sanctions relief to Tehran as its proxies continue to destabilize the Middle East.

As the idea of Trump's potential return to the White House casts a long shadow over Iran's diplomatic calculations – warnings from former Iranian officials are seemingly falling on deaf ears.

This week, former Iranian ambassador to the UK, Jalal Sadatian, advocated for improved cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to garner European support – without compromising Iranian sovereignty.

While Iran has failed to cooperate with the IAEA on multiple issues since 2021 – recent points of friction between Tehran and the agency have piled up.

Iran has deactivated surveillance devices, barred senior inspectors and refused to disclose new nuclear facilities.

“Before Trump comes, we could establish a better relationship with the [IAEA] and have more reasonable cooperation. I'm not saying we should fully submit to the agency, but we can improve our relationship in a way that doesn't put Europeans against us," Sadatian said in an interview with the regime’s semi-officials news agency ILNA.

But, this kind of cautionary take from one of their own, has yet to factor into the regime’s calculations – particularly without pressure from the West.

Just this month, Iran again avoided a censure during the meeting of the IAEA Board of Governors. While there were the usual denouncements by the US, France, Germany, and the UK, in essence, Western leaders kicked the can down the road – suggesting a push for action at the June meeting if Iran does not cooperate with the agency.

Iran, meanwhile, has shown no interest in doing so, even as the presidential elections are mere months away.

The window for Iran is indeed narrowing quickly – and in that vein, Sadatian advocated prioritizing a constructive relationship with the IAEA before entertaining negotiations to resurrect the defunct JCPOA.

Concurrently in Iran, and consistent with the desperate desire to lift sanctions, a known narrative persists: the nation's hardships are solely attributed to the sanctions imposed following the US withdrawal from the JCPOA.

It's perhaps unsurprising then, that former Iranian politician and intelligence officer Ali Rabiei joins the ranks of those who conveniently place blame for Iran's economic woes squarely on sanctions.

Be that as it may, he suggests diplomatic efforts to lift sanctions – with a successful resolution to the JCPOA to alleviate some of the hardships faced by the country.

"Undoubtedly, a portion of today's chronic despair and erratic migrations stem from the disappointment of the JCPOA's unfulfillment and the repercussions arising from it," Rabiei wrote in the so-called reformist Etemad.

But, in his assessment, he fails to offer specific details on the necessary components of renegotiation or diplomatic efforts.

Late last year, Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh, the former head of parliament's foreign policy committee, attributed the failure to de-escalate tensions with the US and revive the JCPOA to the government of former President Hassan Rouhani.

This perspective perpetuates the false notion that a President wields decisive authority over significant foreign policy matters, leading some to believe that Iran merely requires a change in presidential leadership – obscuring the fundamental truth that the ultimate authority rests with the Supreme Leader.

In an interview with so-called reformist news site Entekhab, Falahatpisheh argues that negotiating with the Biden administration prior to the US elections is only justified if Iran establishes a framework to prevent the return of maximum pressure policies.

“The only directive that can validate negotiations in the current circumstances is precisely this issue. If Trump returns to power, he would bring maximum pressure, and if Biden manages to resolve the energy issue, he would exert even greater pressure on Iran. Biden greatly needs these negotiations, and Tehran should not raise minor demands in these discussions," he said.

But, a far cry from the chummy negotiations that led to the JCPOA in 2015 – Iran and the US held secret, indirect negotiations in January, with Omani officials acting as the messenger boy between the two.

It’s evident that as Iran braces itself for the possibility of a Trump return to the White House, it is grappling with a lack of clear direction in achieving its objectives.

Despite heavy international sanctions and an immense economic reliance on China, Iran persists in its destabilizing actions across the region.

The notion that Iran might heed the counsel of certain former officials disregards the inherent nature of the clerical regime.

Logic takes a backseat, as the regime's primary objectives are inherently misaligned with the West’s interests – and there is no reason to think that will change.

Released on their Telegram channel on Tuesday, the council's statement highlighted the necessity of "change and transformation," stating, "With the rule of the people, their solidarity and cohesion, all barriers to a life of emancipation and equality will be removed."

Denouncing the suppression prevalent across various sectors of Iranian society since the uprising of 2022, the council said, "Deliberate sanctions on the sham parliamentary elections indicate the illegitimacy of this institution and the deep dissatisfaction of the people with the authoritarian governance."

Furthermore, the statement pointed out the detrimental effects of ideological and commodified education, leading to “stifled student motivation for learning, increased dropout rates due to poverty, and the reproduction of child labor.”

The council also expressed concern over the "militarization of schools," highlighting the punitive measures faced by protesting teachers and advocates across various fields, including education, employment, women's rights, environment, and arts.

Highlighting the alarming rise in execution rates and pressure on the LGBTQA+ community, the council attributed the occurrences to "non-democratic governance, hegemonic violence, and the lack of accountability of individuals wielding power," highlighted in elections earlier this month, largely boycotted by the majority of Iranians amid mass corruption.

This latest statement from the Coordination Council comes amid reports of dozens of teachers being detained, and summoned over the past year for voicing dissent against the oppressive regime, along with severe pressures faced by council members from the country's security forces.

The statement also acknowledges the pivotal role played by students from various parts of the country in expressing opposition to the policies of the Islamic Republic since the onset of protests triggered by the death in custody of Mahsa Amini in 2022.

Saeed Bashiri, the deputy of Tehran's governorate, revealed on Wednesday that fares for the metro will see a 28 percent increase, buses 26 percent, and taxis a 45 percent rise from May.

Jafar Tashakkori Hashemi, the head of the Urban and Transportation Commission of the City Council, had previously indicated in the council's recent session that the metro's entrance fee within Tehran would experience an increase of 16 percent.

On March 13, the National Iranian Oil Products Distribution Company announced that fuel distribution to Nowruz holiday travelers in Sistan and Baluchestan, Kerman, and southeastern parts of Hormozgan provinces would be implemented through designated fuel stations, set to cause holiday chaos.

Reports say that if gasoline consumption surpasses designated thresholds during the holidays, the rationing will extend to other provinces too.

With the commencement of Nowruz travels in recent days, authorities of the Islamic Republic have disclosed a "record gasoline consumption."

As of March 13, the average daily gasoline consumption for the year stood at 115 million liters, marginally rising to 117.4 million liters before Nowruz travels commenced.

Last year's record gasoline consumption on March 18 was noted at 143 million liters.

Mostafa Moin predicted an imminent disaster amid a mass exodus of healthcare workers and corruption. "Mismanagement and lack of scientific approach in policy making are pushing our healthcare system to the brink," Moin said.

Economic hardships, coupled with professional constraints and a dearth of social and political freedoms, have catalyzed a significant exodus of healthcare professionals from the country. According to Mohammad Sharifi-Moghadam, a member of Iran's Nurses’ Organization central council, between 2,500 to 3,000 nurses depart Iran annually, exacerbating the strain on an already burdened system.

Expressing concern over the ramifications of this exodus, lawmaker MP Hossein Ali Shahriari, chairman of the Iranian parliament's Health and Treatment Committee, earlier highlighted that approximately 10,000 healthcare practitioners have left Iran in the past two years alone, seeking opportunities elsewhere, particularly in the Arab world.

Moreover, despite the government's annual establishment of maximum fees for healthcare professionals and tariffs for private hospitals, a survey conducted by the Iran Migration Observatory in 2022 uncovered deeper-rooted issues. The survey revealed that economic and social instability, coupled with institutionalized corruption and governance methods, were primary drivers behind the desire to emigrate among medical students, professors, and other healthcare professionals.