Khomeini's Grandson Warns Of Growing Discontent In Iran

Political activists from various ideological backgrounds have cautioned against the resurgence of radicalism in Iranian politics following the victory of ultraconservatives in the parliamentary elections.

Ashraf Boroujerdi, a former presidential aide during President Hassan Rouhani's tenure and a scholar specializing in humanities and cultural studies, expressed concern to Etemad Online. She highlighted the parallels between the current Iranian government and the new parliament and the populist ultraconservative administration of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005-2013) and the first parliament after reformists lost power to conservatives in 2004.

Ahmadinejad’s 8-year presidency was marked by populist slogans, a radical foreign policy that brought on international sanctions and the squandering of nearly $600 billion in oil income. During the first six years of Ahmadinejad’s presidency, Iran was not affected by any oil export sanctions and international crude prices were at their height, touching $120 per barrel.

Although the former president noticeably changed his political position in recent years, criticizing the regime, but his period is seen as the beginning of economic and social welfare decline.

Boroujerdi warned that the current government and the new parliament are likely to replicate the issues that afflicted Iran's political landscape and economy during the 2010s under an ultraconservative regime. She emphasized that “a government that enacts laws against the will of the people and relies on their votes to pass such legislation is destined to fail.”

Moreover, Boroujerdi noted a growing disillusionment among the populace. "More and more people turn away from the government after every election. So, the system needs to seriously re-consider its decisions and the way it interacts with the people." She added that "Even some of those who voted in the latest election in Iran did so only to have their IDs stamped by the officials as they needed that for the survival of their business and livelihood."

Similar to many other analysts, she attributed most of Iran's problems to the ultraconservative factions that have held power since the 2010s, hindering the country's progress. Boroujerdi also highlighted how Ahmadinejad's denial of the Holocaust policy further isolated Iran on the international stage.

Meanwhile, conservative political figure Abbas Salimi Namin suggested that some newly elected ultraconservative MPs ascended to power through smear campaigns against their political opponents. He urged these MPs to set aside their differences and prioritize the nation's interests.

Namin cautioned against political conflicts and radicalism within the parliament, noting instances where certain MPs had already caused tensions by attacking their colleagues, drawing warnings from both the public and Iran's Supreme Leader. He emphasized that continued smear campaigns would not garner popular support and stressed the importance of efficiency in parliamentary proceedings.

In another development, lawmaker Massoud Pezhkian, whose seat in the next parliament was secured due to intervention from Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, warned against the long-term viability of lawmakers elected on radical platforms. Pezhkian cited Amir Hossein Sabeti, a hardline former TV presenter, as an example, questioning his qualifications and educational credentials.

Pezhkian cautioned against the dangers of populism, highlighting instances where officials and lawmakers made lofty promises without delivering tangible results. He specifically referenced President Raisi's pledge to build four million houses in four years, asserting that such promises often fall short due to the complexities of governance and practical constraints.

But, the cancellation of the speech – meant to have taken place at the mausoleum of the 8th Islamic Shia Imam – likely has other reasons. Particularly since, Ali Khamenei does not typically stay away from the public during Ramadan, unlike his predecessor Ayatollah Khomeini.

Throughout his rule, akin to the Grinch stealing Christmas, Khamenei has persistently sought to hijack the non-Islamic celebration of Norouz (Nowruz) with his annual speech. Exploiting the influx of Muslim pilgrims visiting the shrine of Imam Reza, he has used the day to showcase his popularity among believers. The sole exception to this pattern occurred during the peak three years of the Covid pandemic.

This year, it’s probable that the leader of the Islamic Republic is either worried about the absence of a crowd – or is struggling with health issues.

The war against Nowruz

The attempt to steal Norouz traces back 45 years to the Islamic Revolution. In 1979, upon seizing power, Islamists immediately made an attempt to abolish the two-week Norouz holiday for schools and universities, which ultimately proved unsuccessful. Subsequently, they set their sights on the 5-day vacation of government employees at the year's onset, only to encounter staunch resistance from the workers. Following this, they proceeded to systematically cancel Norouz celebrations in public spaces, imposing bans under various pretexts. Consequently, Nowruz was gradually forced into the privacy of people's homes.

Not stopping there, the clerical regime moved to eradicate the celebrations and customs associated with Norouz Day, which falls on the Spring Equinox. They cracked down on Chahar Shanbeh Suri, the traditional event observed on the last Tuesday of the year, citing safety reasons due to the millennia-old Iranian tradition of fire jumping.

Celebrated on the 13th day of Norouz, Sizdah Be-dar, a day when Iranians traditionally seek solace in nature after the holiday season, was deemed environmentally hazardous. Authorities erected barriers on roads to prevent people from venturing into meadows, mountains, and forests. In an attempt to alter public perception, the government renamed this day "Nature Day," and yet despite several attempts in parliament, they failed to abolish the ancient tradition.

However, aspects of Norouz that could be utilized for the regime's propaganda, such as the leader's address broadcasted on state radio and television channels after the Spring equinox – but were Islamized.

The traditional Persian Norouz table saw a significant change imposed by Islamists, who replaced the revered Divan-e-Hafez, the masterpiece of the 14th-century Persian poet Hafez, with the Quran. The government's strategy with these measures was to make Islamic holidays like Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha into national holidays with extended breaks, while simultaneously eliminating ancient Persian holiday festivities such as Chaharshnbeh Suri, Mehregan, and the 13th of Norouz from the national calendar.

In contrast to Iranian monarchs, who traditionally celebrated Norouz with opulent banquets, gift-giving, and audiences with their subjects, Khomeini and Khamenei diverge in their approach to the holiday. While Khomeini remained out of the public eye during the 13-day spring festival, Khamenei broke this tactic by delivering a speech, often utilizing pilgrims as his audience.

In the process of Islamization, every aspect reminiscent of ancient Iran and its traditions was sidelined to make way for ceremonies, symbols, and signs of the Islamic era. Just as the grand Zoroastrian fire temples were converted into mosques following the Arab conquest, Iran’s new conquerors wanted to infuse and paint Nowruz with a religious hue.

Iranians defy Islamization

On the flip side, Iranians across the globe commemorate Norouz with increasing grandeur each year, regarding it as a fundamental aspect of their national identity. With the advent of the Spring equinox, millions meticulously arrange traditional Norouz tables (Sofre Haftsin), sharing photos of their festive displays with enthusiasm. Despite economic adversities, families steadfastly uphold cherished traditions, ensuring essentials like greenery (Sabzeh) and hyacinth (Sombol) are never omitted from the Sofre Haftsin.

Across Iranians in provinces, like Kurdistan, Khorasan, and Gilan, people defiantly uphold vibrant celebrations with traditional dances and attire – disregarding government restrictions. The age-old tradition of baking sweets for the New Year has experienced a resurgence, while households across the nation engage in thorough Spring cleaning rituals. While the state television sweeps the joy of Norouz under the rug, the journey of millions of citizens to neighboring countries to participate in the concerts of Iranian artists living abroad and Norouz celebrations has become a part of the tradition every year.

While the Islamic Republic and its allies proclaim themselves as the "axis of resistance" against Western influence in the region, it is the Iranian people who embody the genuine axis of resistance against coercive Islamism.

The families, who are known as the "Mothers of Khavaran," had planned to visit the graves of the victims of Iran's 1988 mass executions on the last Friday of the year before Norouz, but they were met with locked gates. Visiting the graves of loved ones on the last Friday of the year is a popular tradition in Iran.

Images shared on social media showed the families placing flowers on the iron gate of Khavaran cemetery and holding photos of their executed loved ones.

Mansoureh Behkish, a human rights activist and member of the Mothers of Khavaran, wrote on social media that the families were once again faced with closed doors on the eve of the Iranian New Year.

Behkish, who lost four brothers and a sister in the 1980s, added, "The agents assigned to the entrance of Khavaran asked for national ID cards, which was met with resistance from the families."

The Mothers of Khavaran have been holding a weekly gathering at the cemetery since 1988 to mourn their loved ones and demand justice. The cemetery is believed to be the mass grave of thousands of political prisoners who were executed while serving their sentences.

The exact number of prisoners executed during the purge is not known but according to Amnesty International, Iranian authorities "forcibly disappeared" and "extrajudicially executed" around 5,000 between July and September 1988. Most of victims were linked to the MEK but there were also others with links to leftist and secular groups such as Fadaiyan Khalq Organization (FKO) and Tudeh Party as well as some Kurdish groups, such as Komala and the Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran.

Abdolnasser Hemmati accused the government of creating three-digit inflation of food prices and the impoverishment of tens of millions of people “while Iran has the biggest combined oil and gas reserves in the world.”

President Ebrahim Raisi and his hardliner allies promised a quick fix for the economy during the 2021 presidential campaign, arguing that they can de-couple the economy form US sanctions. However, most economic indicators have worsened in the ensuing 30 months, with the national currency halving in value.

Hemmati was responding to Raisi’s remarks on Friday when the president said that “enemies try to spread despair” among Iranians by highlighting negative news. Hemmati said that Raisi’s policies have led to higher inflation and more corruption, by offering economic privileges to insiders. He was referring to preferential government rates for foreign currencies provided to some importers of essential goods, including foodstuff and animal feed.

Since the United States imposed sanctions on Iran in 2018, the national currency has lost value 15-fold, dropping from 40,000 to 600,000 rials per US dollar. The US withdrew from the 2015 JCPOA nuclear agreement demanding a stronger deal, while Tehran has refused a new deal proposed by the Biden administration in 2022.

Hemmati, referring to the hardliner slogan of a strong government said, “The decline in people's purchasing power despite having the world's first rank in oil and gas resources, over 30 percent of the population falling below the poverty line, a significant gap with regional rivals in terms of gross domestic product," are not signs of strength.

Mehdi Bagheri, the workers’ representative in Iran’s Supreme Council of Labor, said the council’s meeting on Wednesday failed to reach a final decision regarding the minimum wage as both the representatives of employers and the government do not “appreciate” workers and their efforts.

“We do not have much time to decide on the most important issue for workers and we are not the plaything of any group,” Bagheri stressed, further accusing the government and employers of manipulating statistics in an attempt to lower the worker’s minimum wage.

“I’ll make it clear that our job in the Supreme Council is to raise the living standards of the workers, not playing mathematical games,” he went on to say.

According to Bagheri, the other sides of negotiations try to avoid discussing the monthly livelihood basket for working families as they are aware that any accurate calculation of this component will result in a significant increase in workers’ wages.

Meanwhile, Nader Moradi, workers and retirees’ union activist, took the government to task for resisting even the minimal demands of the workers for wage determination.

The workers proposed a minimal rate of 195 million rials ($325) but the government keeps rejecting it, Moradi said, further adding, “If we take into account such items as housing and education, the minimum livelihood basket [base salary] for working families stands at 300 million rials (around $500).”

According to the activist, the government’s stance on the issue is shocking and unfathomable as just renting a house in the capital Tehran costs 100 to 120 million rials (165 to 200$).

Moradi also revealed that Iran’s Ministry of Health has backed the government’s position during the wage determination talks by proposing “a food basket” package which has significantly decreased the calorie needs of each person.

“With the government’s proposed calories, workers can’t live and breathe, let alone going to work or doing manual or intellectual labor for at least eight hours a day,” he pointed out.

On Tuesday, Ali Babaei, the spokesperson for the Labor Faction in the Iranian parliament, emphasized the need for fair wages for workers amidst dire economic challenges. He noted that workers are oppressed, their rights are often denied, and their job security remains uncertain.

In recent years, Iranian society has been grappling with severe economic problems. The continuous devaluation of the rial, particularly since the US withdrawal from the JCPOA nuclear deal in 2018, has fueled inflation and plunged millions into poverty. Over the past six years, the rial has fallen 15-fold.

Official annual inflation hovers near 50 percent, much higher than the government’s average salary increase of 20 percent. Earlier in the month, Eqtesad 24 daily warned that nearly one-third of Iranians struggle below the poverty line. The report projected a concerning escalation in poverty rates, foreseeing that by the end of the year 1402 [March 20], the proportion of individuals below the poverty line could soar to as much as 40 percent.

An analysis of posts on Persian social media indicate that Iranians voice deep concern on a daily basis on social media about inflation and rising rents, mainly struggling to pay rent, especially in the capital, Tehran.