Canada To Submit Case Against Iran On Downed Ukrainian Plane To ICAO

The Green Party has officially acknowledged the accusations and announced that Ghahraman will temporarily suspend all her portfolio duties until the matter is resolved. Reports suggest that the alleged incident took place at Scottie's Boutique, an upscale clothing store.

In an official statement, a spokesperson for the Green Party said the party is "aware of allegations regarding MP Golriz Ghahraman" and was in contact with Scottie's Boutique to "better understand and address the situation".

"Green MPs are expected to maintain high standards of public behavior," the spokesperson said.

Ghahraman, who made history as the first refugee sworn in as an MP in New Zealand, arrived in Aotearoa as a child asylum seeker with her family from Iran. Initially serving as a Green Party list candidate in January 2017, she secured the seventh position on the Green Party's list in the 2023 election.

Ghahraman’s portfolios for the Greens included justice, foreign affairs, defence, ethnic communities, and trade.

Auckland police confirmed an investigation is ongoing.

This has created a challenging situation for Iran, which is struggling with a severe gas shortage during the winter months. The breakdown of these gas-related agreements underscores the urgent need to address Iran's energy crisis.

Turkmenistan's decision to suspend gas exports to Iran dates to January 2017 when it cited Iran's long-term delays in paying off gas debts. An International Court of Justice ruling required Iran to pay $2 billion to Turkmenistan. Iran's Oil Minister Javad Owji stated that Iran had settled its principal debt to Turkmenistan until July 2022, and limited gas imports from Turkmenistan had resumed.

According to statistics from the National Gas Company of the Islamic Republic, Iran has purchased on average 775 million cubic meters of gas from Turkmenistan during the first 4 months of the current Iranian fiscal year, which started on March 22.

The initial resumption of natural gas imports from Turkmenistan provided a much-needed reprieve for Iran, which was able to reduce its daily consumption of dirty fuels such as mazut and diesel in the industrial sector and power plants.

Over the past two years, Iran has faced gas shortages not only in the fall and winter but also in the spring and summer, burning 20 million liters of mazut daily in industries and particularly power plants even during the warm seasons. In winters, Iran's gas shortage is so severe that not only the delivery of gas to petrochemical plants is restricted but also the daily consumption of mazut in the country's power plants and industries reaches over 45 million liters. This blankets most urban areas in a thick fog of smug, further angering a disgruntled population.

Each cubic meter of gas can replace about one liter of mazut or diesel. In recent months, Iran has negotiated with Turkmenistan to revive the previous agreement for the daily import of 30 million cubic meters of gas. Additionally, discussions have taken place regarding a daily swap of 25 million cubic meters of Turkmenistan's gas to Iraq. The arrangement would entail Turkmenistan delivering gas to northeastern Iran, while Iran would deliver gas to Iraq in the southwest.

Amidst the silence of the Ashgabat government in recent days, Iranian officials and institutions have announced the cessation of gas deliveries from Turkmenistan. They state that both the gas swap from Turkmenistan to Azerbaijan via Iran and the direct sale of gas to Iran have been halted.

The Republic of Azerbaijan, however, has not yet reacted to the news.

Iran receives a 15% fee from the gas swap operations between Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan. Official statistics from Azerbaijan show that in 2023, approximately 1.5 billion cubic meters of Turkmen gas was received through Iran. Therefore, from the gas swap deal, Iran extracted around 250 million cubic meters of gas as a swap fee, although these are relatively small figures, given Iran’s daily consumption of around 800 million cubic meters.

For Azerbaijan, gas swap becomes beneficial when there is a significant price difference between Turkmenistan's gas and the European market. However, the current price in European markets is around $350 per 1,000 cubic meters, or one-third of previous winter’s rates.

As a result, Azerbaijan no longer desires to continue receiving gas from Turkmenistan through Iran and re-exporting to Europe. Moreover, last summer, Azerbaijan inaugurated the first phase of the Absheron gas field, adding 1.5 billion cubic meters annually to its export capacity. All this gas will be directed to European markets.

Thus, the government in Baku practically has surplus gas and needs to capture new European markets and no longer needs Turkmenistan's gas.

Iran insists on a 15% swap fee, while, for instance, Georgia and Turkey receive only a 5% transit fee from Azerbaijan.

Turkmenistan initiated talks on gas exports to Turkey last December, and the focus of these negotiations was likely on the gas swap with Iran. In this scenario, Ashgabat would deliver its gas to northeastern regions of Iran and, in return, Iran would provide its gas to Iraq and Turkey, earning swap fees.

However, as mentioned, Iran is adamant about extracting a 15% swap fee because, according to Iran, Iraq, Turkmenistan, and even Turkey and Azerbaijan have no choice but to accept Iran's conditions.

Azerbaijan, which opposes excessive fee demands by Iran, has also promptly compensated for the cessation of Iranian gas exports to Turkey in the winter seasons over the past two years and solidified its position in the Turkish market. Azerbaijan's gas exports to Turkey experienced a 23% growth, reaching 8.7 billion cubic meters, making Azerbaijan the second-largest gas supplier to Turkey after Russia.

Although Iranian Oil Minister Javad Owji announced the payment of Iran's ‘principal debt' to Turkmenistan, he did not specify how much of the $2 billion debt, accumulated since the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, has been paid and how much remains.

Iran also insists on paying Turkmenistan in goods and services instead of US dollars due to the American sanctions. This choice takes away Ashgabat's incentive to export gas to Iran and makes Turkmenistan less willing to be involved in Iran's sanction-related problems.

In 2022, Turkmenistan had over $10 billion in gas exports to China, and in the 11 months of 2023, it reached almost $9 billion. Although Turkmenistan still has a significant surplus of gas for export, the country prefers to sell it in exchange for US dollars, not Iranian goods.

Meanwhile, Iran's total exports to Turkmenistan were less than half a billion dollars last year. Yet, the value of daily gas exports of 30 million cubic meters from Turkmenistan to Iran is at least $3 billion a year.

If Turkmenistan continues to halt gas exports to Iran in the winter, Iran will be forced to significantly increase Mazut consumption in power plants and industries. Moreover, there is a likelihood of further disruption in Iran's gas exports to Iraq and Turkey.

Videos shared on social media captured the moments when workers fled as the rockets descended.

Earlier reports revealed images of missile launches from the Oman Sea towards Sistan and Baluchestan province, with one missile impacting the Chabahar Petrochemical complex. The Mehr News Agency attributed the sounds and videos of air defense activation to naval exercises conducted by the Revolutionary Guards. The news agency claimed investigations are underway.

Videos released by the Halvash website, covering developments in Sistan and Baluchestan Province, showed multiple missile launches from the sea towards Chabahar, resulting in devastating explosions and thick smoke.

Eyewitnesses told Halvash that more than five rockets were fired from the eastern side of the city. Two rockets exploded mid-air, while approximately three hit the internal section and one struck the external part of the Chabahar Petrochemical complex. There were no reported casualties.

Chabahar's governor attributed the observed smoke in the sky to the Revolutionary Guards' maneuver, urging the public “not to worry.”

Local sources revealed that the explosions were audible throughout Chabahar, causing fear and panic among residents.

In a separate incident earlier on Wednesday, an attack on a police station in the Rask county of Sistan and Baluchestan province resulted in the death of a police officer. The militant group Jaish al-Adl claimed responsibility for the attack.

According to a report by the US-based Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA) on Tuesday, Bakhtiari was also handed a sentence of 74 lashes as a result of a case opened against him during his detention.

The sentencing is the latest in a string of cases which has seen Iranians handed punishments such as finger amputation and lashings, amidst a nationwide crackdown on dissent.

The charges against Bakhtiari include "conspiracy and collusion with the intent to commit crimes against national security," "formation and management of a group in cyberspace with the aim of undermining national security," "spreading lies," "anti-establishment propaganda," and "disturbing public minds."

Bakhtiari’s son, Pouya, aged 27, sustained a gunshot wound to the head in Karaj amid the November 2019 protests. The family attributes his death to security forces and has openly advocated for holding the authorities responsible not only for his son's death but also for the alleged deaths of hundreds of others at the hands of security forces.

The trial for his father's charges took place through a video conference on December 24, reflecting the challenges faced in ensuring a fair legal process.

Earlier this year, Branch 1 of the Revolutionary Court in Karaj had imposed an additional sentence of six months in prison on Bakhtiari on the charge of "insulting the leader" based on a separate case.

Bakhtiari was first arrested on April 28, 2021, when security forces used excessive force during the apprehension at his residence in Tehran. Subsequently, the Revolutionary Court convicted him to three years and six months in prison, two years and six months in exile, and a two-year travel ban.

Senator Lindsey Graham (R-SC) stated in an interview with Iran International's Arash Alaei on Tuesday that the Biden administration should convey to Tehran that the US is willing to consider "targets in Iran" as an option if its proxies persist in attacking American troops and international shipping.

Iran's Yemeni proxy, the Houthis, along with other regional militias, have escalated attacks on American and Israeli targets since the October 7 invasion of Israel by Hamas, another Tehran-backed outfit. The attacks resulted in over 1,200 deaths in a single day, predominantly civilians, and the abduction of more than 240 men, women and children from communities on the Gaza border. 

The Houthis' assaults on shipping in the Red Sea have disrupted the free flow of goods, leading the US and its allies to target Houthi boats and missiles aimed at either hijacking or striking commercial vessels. The attacks began after Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei called for blockading Israel in response to its retaliatory offensive in Gaza to uproot Hamas. The Houthis have vowed to continue attacks until Israel halts its operations in Gaza and warned that it would attack US warships if the militia group itself was targeted.

According to the US military's Central Command, only on Tuesday, US and UK forces shot down 21 drones and missiles fired by Houthis at international shipping in the Red Sea.

Senator John Fetterman (D-PA) told Iran International that he hopes the situation would not escalate and the US would not go to a war with Iran, but the US supports Israel in its war against Hamas, making it a target for Iran's proxies. Answering a question about the European countries’ military support to maintain the maritime security, he said, “Unfortunately, often the United States has to go alone... And it’s the right and thing to do.”

He underlined that as long as Houthis’ threats prevail, “I hope they keep sinking more and more to the bottom of the sea.” Last month, US warships sank three Houthi small boats to protect a commercial vessel from being hijacked. All crew were killed. 

Critics have urged the Biden administration to take a more assertive stance toward the Houthis and Iran to stop the attacks, instead of just defensive measures. The US has formed a more than 20-nation coalition to counter the threats, several countries members anonymously due to the sensitive regional tensions. 

US Deputy Special Envoy to Iran, Abram Paley, told Iran International this week that when it comes to dealing with Iran, “words are not enough” and action has to be taken. However, so far, Washington has not targeted the source of the Houthi attacks in Yemen.

Richard Goldberg, a National Security Council official from the Trump era and a fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, says the increase in Houthi attacks indicate that “Iran just called Biden’s bluff.”

In an article on New York Post, Goldberg argued that with Tehran closer to nukes, Congress must end Biden’s appeasement with Iran before it is too late. “President Biden’s three years of appeasing Iran has brought the world’s leading state sponsor of terrorism closer than ever to developing a nuclear weapon.”

He highlighted that “nothing has been able to disabuse Biden of his almost-religious commitment to appeasement as the only viable path to containing Iran’s myriad threats... Not even assassination plots targeting former US officials, attempts to kidnap Iranian Americans from US soil, Iran-directed attacks on US troops in Iraq and Syria, injuring dozens of servicemembers — one critically — or the suicide-drone attacks on US destroyers in the Red Sea.”