Iranian War Veteran Gets 13 Years In Prison For Opposing Regime

The award-making committee urged Iran to release Mohammadi, one of the nation's leading activists who has campaigned for both women's rights and the abolition of the death penalty.

Hailing Mohammadi as a "freedom fighter", the head of the Norwegian Nobel Committee started her speech by saying, in Farsi, the words for "woman, life, freedom" -- the main slogan of the current wave of protests against the Iranian government.

"The Norwegian Nobel Committee has decided to award the 2023 Nobel Peace Prize to Narges Mohammadi for her fight against the oppression of women in Iran and her fight to promote human rights and freedom for all," Berit Reiss-Andersen said in the citation.

The award also recognised the hundreds of thousands of people who have demonstrated against Iranian discrimination and oppression of women, Reiss-Andersen said. "Only by embracing equal rights for all can the world achieve the fraternity between nations that (prize founder) Alfred Nobel sought to promote," she said.

"This prize is first and foremost a recognition of the very important work of a whole movement in Iran, with its undisputed leader, Narges Mohammadi," Reiss-Andersen noted. "If the Iranian authorities make the right decision, they will release her so that she can be present to receive this honour (in December), which is what we primarily hope for."

The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) said on Friday the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to Mohammadi highlighted the courage and determination of Iranian women.

"We've seen their courage and determination in the face of reprisals, intimidation, violence and detention," OHCHR spokesperson Elizabeth Throssell told reporters in Geneva.

"They've been harassed for what they do or don't wear. There are increasingly stringent legal, social and economic measures against them. This really is something that highlights the courage and determination of the women of Iran and how they are an inspiration to the world," Throssell added. "We and other partners of the UN human rights system have repeatedly called for her release."

Mohammadi was arrested on November 16, 2021, and one year after being released, was detained again. Currently, she is serving a total sentence of 9 years and 8 months, along with 154 lashes and additional penalties in Evin Prison. Charges include spreading propaganda against the state.

She has also been denied access to medical care amid deteriorating health. Mohammadi has been imprisoned several times over the past two decades for her work fighting for human rights.

She is the deputy head of the Defenders of Human Rights Center, a non-governmental organisation led by Shirin Ebadi, the 2003 Nobel Peace Prize laureate.

Mohammadi is the 19th woman to win the 122-year-old prize and the first one since Maria Ressa of the Philippines won the award in 2021 jointly with Russia's Dmitry Muratov.

In her letter to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva in March, she said she is ready to testify against the authorities of the Islamic Republic regarding the torture, harassment and abuse of prisoners.

Security authorities at Imam Khomeini Airport in Tehran thwarted Ahmadinejad's trip to Guatemala, seizing his passport and giving him a travel ban.

Stopped by IRGC intelligence officers, Ahmadinejad was traveling to a scientific and research symposium on water resource management, as a guest of the government and the University of Guatemala.

Ahmadinejad is a populist politician who was highly controversial during his presidency with his extremist views on Israel and refusal to cooperate with the international community to resolve disputes over Iran’s nuclear program. However, since 2017, he has turned into a critic of some policies pursued by the Islamic Republic. At times, he has even criticized Iran’s ruler Ali Khamenei.

Late Thursday, the semi-official ISNA website reported that the travel ban was lifted after Ahmadinejad accepted “security and political” responsibility for the trip. This could be referring to possible pledges made by the former president to the Revolutionary Guard’s intelligence organization regarding his conduct during the trip.

Saberin News channel also reported on Thursday evening, citing "informed sources," that "after his commitment to accepting political and security considerations and the possible consequences of this trip for him, relevant authorities have agreed to it."

Media close to the government had claimed that instability in Guatemala, the lack of an Iranian embassy and “strong Israeli influence” in the country were reasons behind the initial travel ban.

Media in Tehran reported on Friday that the two chief diplomats held a telephone call late on Thursday to discuss the incident in the Iranian city of Esfahan, when Saudi Arabia’s al-Ittihad football (soccer) team strongly objected to the presence of the former IRGC general Qassem Soleimani statue on the pitch and subsequently left Iran without playing the match.

Iranian government media also report that Faisal bin Farhan Al-Saud and Hossein Amir-Abdollahian discussed future cooperation plans, “with appropriate political relations.” Bin Farhan called for continuing football matches, which he said were important to strengthen ties, and invited Amir-Abdollahian to Saudi Arabia to watch a match together.

The two foreign minister recently met in New York on the sidelines of the annual UN General Assembly.

Soleimani, who was Iran’s chief military and intelligence operative in the Middle East before being killed by a US drone strike in 2020, is seen by many regional countries as a figure who organized militant militias throughout the Middle East. These groups have been instruments of Iran’s influence and some are designated as terrorist that have fueled conflicts in the Levant, Iraq and in Yemen.

Iran re-established relations with Saudi Arabia in March after seven years of bitter adversarial relations. The Iranian Shiite clerical rulers have for many years used derogatory rhetoric and threatening language against the Saudi ruling family, who are seen as influential leaders among regional Arab Sunni countries.

Iran International revealed recently the existence of a network which was promoting Iran’s policies on the global stage. These influence campaigns, which could be ultimately the same, might have reached and influenced US lawmakers and members of the US administration, including Robert Malley, who later became the US envoy for Iran.

Rouhani bragged to his top lieutenants “Our Foreign Ministry has launched a concerted effort to influence public opinion and to say ‘no’ to sanctions. Our efforts are geared at bringing back our money seized in other countries.” This campaign has been highly successful in recent months as the United States unfroze between $6 billion and $16 billion in Iranian funds that had been locked in South Korea and Iraq, claiming the funds would be used for food, medicine, and other humanitarian goods.

The need for the Iranian government’s campaign had started a year earlier when US oil sanctions had started shrinking the Iranian regime's ability to fund terror abroad. The New York Times quoted one Iranian-backed fighter in Syria saying"the golden days are gone and will never return," because "Iran doesn't have enough money to give us." 

This caused a panic in the Iranian regime, and the Foreign Ministry was tasked with pushing back against US sanctions. Led by Foreign Minister Javad Zarif, they developed and deployed two main public narratives: first, that sanctions didn't hurt the regime and would never bring it to the negotiating table, and then a second narrative: that sanctions only hurteveryday Iranians and prevented their access to medicine.

The emergence of COVID provided a powerful opportunity to reinforce this narrative - particularly around a claim that sanctions were blocking Iran from responding to the pandemic.

Iran was the first country after China to be inundated by the virus. The reason was politics: the regime pretended COVID didn't exist to protect its relationship with the Chinese Communist Party. While other airlines were halting all flights in and out of China, Iranian airline Mahan Air operated at least 55 flights between Tehran and China in February 2020.

The regime only admitted COVID had even entered Iran nine days after the first death, and then – like China, the regime firmly cracked down on all information about the virus that could have saved lives. On March 5, the head of Iran’s cyber police announced the arrest of 121 Iranians for “spreading rumors” about the coronavirus. The regime threatened medical staff against revealing accurate statistics of coronavirus cases and deaths.

The State Department was concerned that the unchecked spread of COVID inside Iran could further supercharge the virus, causing untold deaths in the country, the region, and beyond. On February 28, 2020, Secretary Pompeo confirmed the State Department had sent a diplomatic message to Iran offering medical aid. The regime rejected the offer within hours.

A month later the regime kicked out Doctors Without Borders, accusing their staff of being spies. But even while the regime rejected medical assistance from America and Europe, their propagandists claimed to Western audiences that US sanctions blocked Iran from getting help.

In early March 2020, the Foreign Ministry launched a propaganda clearinghouse called Corona2Plus. The site was a central repository and coordination center for Iran's "diplomats" and influencers around the world. While the site has since been erased from the internet before being archived, it featured ready-made graphics and talking points like one used by the Iranian Embassy in Norway which compared US President Donald Trump to the coronavirus, claiming that both killed Iranian people.

These messages directed European and Western audiences to sign a petition on the propaganda site to “lift sanctions on Iran”. Iranian ambassadors were tasked with writing and distributing op-eds, particularly to Western audiences, designed to blame America for Iranian COVID deaths. One such letter, published in The Irish Times by Iran’s Ambassador to Ireland, claimed that sanctions were “denying Iranian people access to medical supplies and equipment.”

Not only do US sanctions have clear exemptions that allow humanitarian and medical trade with Iran, but the regime’s own Health Minister Saeed Namaki was simultaneously saying he had no problem obtaining all the necessary medicine and equipment. In late March 2020, Namaki admitted that Iran “has not faced a shortage of special drugs needed to treat this disease,” and that Iran had a seven-month stockpile of medicine.

Although the Iranian government was mishandling the response to the virus, the regime’s supporters focused their efforts pushing the blame onto US sanctions. This messages rapidly made their way into Western media, including through a March 17, 2020 opinion piece in Foreign Affairs by Robert Malley and Ali Vaez that stated the regime’s response to COVID “was hampered by shortages caused by sanctions… the government is now pleading for international assistance.” 

The authors cited as evidence a tweet by Foreign Minister Zarif supposedly listing desired medical equipment, then proceeded to argue the United States should permit an IMF loan to Iran “providing Tehran with some economic reprieve and the means to save lives at home.” Their piece was further amplified by a New York Times opinion piece that repeated even more Iranian talking points. The rapid rhetorical pivot from requesting COVID relief to suggesting financial relief was typical of regime messaging.

It is true the Iranian Ministry of Health lacked adequate funding to rapidly respond to the crisis. In January 2019, the Deputy Health Minister Hassan Hashemi even resigned in protest of budget cuts. But the government had no shortage of funds at this time they could have used to provide this funding. In 2018, Iran withdrew $2.5 billion from its National Development Fund for increased defense spending, and a further $1.5 billion in 2019 for other military expenses. 

The regime’s priorities have always been transparent through its budgetary decisions. On March 9, 2020, five Iranian parliamentarians begged Supreme Leader Khamenei to transfer assets from his $30-100 billion hedge fund for the COVID response. President Rouhani eventually wrote to the Supreme Leader requesting permission to withdraw $1 billion from the National Development Fund for that purpose. Before Khamenei responded to the urgent request, he intervened in the budgetary process to increase the IRGC's budget by 33% and doubled funding for the Basij brute squads.

Khamenei eventually approved allocation of one billion euros in foreign exchange reserves for the Health Ministry. But the majority of the funds never arrived. In September 2020, the Health Minister complained he had only received 27% of the promised funds, noting that healthcare workers were going unpaid. The chairman of the Parliament’s Health Committee Hossein Ali Shahriari charged that: “A billion dollars has been withdrawn from the fund but has been spent somewhere else.”

As the Iranian regime’s propaganda crescendoed in March 2020, some Members of Congress started retweeting content that came from Corona2Plus and calling for US sanctions on Iran to be lifted in order to save Iranian lives. Stories about these tweets were then posted on the Iranian propaganda center for further amplification. As the Corona2Plus site has since been erased from the internet, it is no longer possible to provide documentation of this particular development.

However, in late March 2020, 34 Senators and Representatives sent a letter to the State Department and Treasury Department calling for the suspension of oil sanctions to aid Iran's health response. However, anyone familiar with Iran’s budgetary process knows that oil revenue is funneled directly to the IRGC and Iran’s military, not to the Iranian people.

At that time, even some career officials in the State Department, where I worked at the time as the Special Advisor for Iran, were worried that these members of Congress - and the organizations that had endorsed the letter - had been influenced by the information environment fastidiously created by the Iranian Foreign Ministry.

The State Department sent a detailed response to these members outlining the facts about Iran's COVID mismanagement and how the United States had designed policies to help the Iranian people. Yet the propaganda advanced by Iran’s Foreign Ministry has persisted in messaging used to critique US sanctions on Iran.

A common theme echoed by many supporters of engagement with the Iranian government was that the United States should prioritize giving COVID vaccines to Iran – even before sending to US allies. This line of messaging was undercut when Supreme Leader Khamenei announced on January 8, 2021, a ban on the import of American and British vaccines. Medical experts estimated this ban resulted in the excess death of between 50,000-75,000 Iranians.

The sad reality is that time and again the regime does not hesitate to sacrifice the wellbeing of the Iranian people in order to advance its ideological aims and agendas. For years the regime has reallocated funding away from food, medicine, and medical equipment to fund its violent revolutionary ambitions. Then the regime and its supporters claim that Iran needs sanctions relief so the government can provide for the Iranian people.

Over the previous few months, the Iranian government achieved their aims set out by President Rouhani: the return of between $6-16 billion in Iranian assets held abroad. Unfortunately, the U.S. government continues to play in Iran’s own information environment, claiming the funds would be used for food, medicine, and humanitarian goods, despite ample evidence of abuse of these goods by the Iranian regime.

The past serves as a prelude, and we should not be surprised when the regime redirects the latest infusion of unfrozen cash. As that happens, Western governments should carefully document the abuse of funds and watch who will once again rise to the regime’s defense.

Opinions expressed by the author are not necessarily the views of Iran International.

In its Thursday evening news bulletin, IRIB’s News Channel aired footage released on Wednesday showing Armita Geravand entering a Tehran subway station without covering her hair, waiting with friends, and then being carried out of a metro car unconscious by her friends after collapsing seconds after entering.

State media claims the sixteen-year-old art student fainted, fell, and hit her head on the metro car's entrance. Armita's mother, Shahin Ahmadi, stated in an interview with IRIB that she was "told" her daughter hit her head "on the edge of the metro [car or platform]." Earlier reports suggested she was pushed by a hijab enforcer inside the metro car, causing her fall and head injury.

Hengaw Organization for Human Rights, a Kurdish rights group that published the comatose Armita’s photo at Fajr hospital’s intensive care unit Wednesday, claimed on Thursday that security forces have detained Armita’s mother. Mizan Online, the news agency of Iran’s Judiciary, denied the report shortly after its release. 

Security is tense around the hospital, and authorities are not forthcoming about the circumstances surrounding Armita's coma. Meanwhile, the media is filled with concerns from Iranians, foreign activists, and officials, all fearing a scenario similar to Mahsa Amini's death could reoccur.

Iranians have been extensively posting to raise awareness about Armita, making the hashtag of her name in Persian trendy on X (formerly Twitter) with well over 300,000 retweets.

Despite the IRIB's account and interviews with Armita's parents and friends, many in the public remain unconvinced. Social media users believe that state media is concealing the true cause of her head injury to prevent public anger, similar to the 2022 protests following the death of Mahsa Amini in morality police custody.

The state media have not shown any footage from inside the metro car and claim there were no CCTVs to record the incident inside the train. 

Two eyewitnesses have, however, confirmed to the Guardian that hijab enforcers were involved in Armita’s injury Sunday morning. 

One of the two eyewitnesses has told the Guardian that soon after Armita entered the carriage, a female hijab enforcer started arguing with her because she wasn’t wearing a headscarf. “The chador-clad woman screamed at her asking her why she was not covered,” the witness told the Guardian. 

“Armita then told her ‘Do I ask you to remove your hijab? Why are you asking me to wear one?’ Their argument then turned violent. The hijab enforcer started physically attacking Armita and … violently pushed her.”

Another witness told the Guardian that the young girl was still conscious when she fell on the ground. In the video footage shown on state television Armita’s leg appears to be moving. 

Witnesses who spoke to the Guardian also claimed they spotted the same hijab enforcer waiting behind the ambulance that took her to the hospital.

Iranian activists and social media users argue that security forces' efforts to restrict access to the hospital, detain a reporter who attempted to interview Armita's mother, and suppress independent media suggest they are trying to conceal the truth about the alleged assault on the young girl.

The interviews with Armita's family were aired during the 8:30 news program on Wednesday. The program's producer, Ameneh Sadat Zabihpour, has faced allegations of collaborating with intelligence organizations to obtain forced "confessions" from activists and others, discrediting them, opposition figures, and groups. Zabihpour and her colleague Ali Rezvani were sanctioned by the United States Treasury in November last year for their involvement in obtaining forced confessions.