Iran Activists Blame Regime For Any Violence On Protest Anniversary

Etemad, a notable reformist daily in Iran, released an article on Thursday outlining 52 professors who have been dismissed, forced into retirement, or barred from teaching. The article described this as the "second wave of professor removal in the name of purification" within the past year.

Earlier in August, the same daily published a list of 157 tenured professors who were terminated due to their criticism and dissenting viewpoints from 2006 to the end of August 2023. This extensive purge includes not only tenured faculty but also non-tenured lecturers who are being replaced by professors of a more "religious" and "revolutionary" nature.

Of the 157 previously announced names, 58 were removed during Ebrahim Raisi's administration. The recent article adds 52 more names, illustrating the continuing effort by hardliners to eliminate dissenting voices from academia.

The daily clarified, "It is important to note that these names do not constitute an exhaustive list of all the professors removed over these 17 years. Rather, they are the names that Etemad has been able to confirm."

Despite the academic year starting in less than a month, Etemad reports that the "distressing changes" within the educational system across 150 universities are ongoing.

The phenomenon of "political purification," as referred to in Iranian media, extends beyond universities. Regime hardliners are also removing their rivals from various other organizations and institutions. The term "purification" was coined by former Parliament Speaker Ali Larijani to describe the ultraconservative allies of President Raisi, aiming to consolidate government power by sidelining other politicians and officials.

This trend within academia began during Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's presidency and persisted through Hassan Rouhani's administration and President Ebrahim Raisi's term. Over these years, successive governments systematically expelled experienced professors for their "secular views" and other political reasons.

The second wave of purges, which emerged shortly after the protests of the Woman, Life, Freedom movement last September, has recently escalated with the support of senior officials.

While some officials attempted to portray the mass dismissals as unrelated to their support for nationwide protests sparked by the death of Mahsa Amini in police custody, many hardliner politicians openly endorse these actions and even call for harsher measures against the professors.

Notably, Hossein Shariatmadari, the hardline editor-in-chief of the Kayhan newspaper linked to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's office, endorsed the decision to terminate professors who had expressed solidarity with the protests. Shariatmadari deemed their dismissal as the "minimum punishment." He also welcomed the recruitment of ideologues for teaching roles, referring to Sharif University's invitation of three hardliner figures, including Amir-Hossein Sabeti, a television presenter, to teach Islamic subjects. 

This university purges have elicited criticism from Iranians and disapproval from some regime insiders, like Iran's former nuclear chief Ali-Akbar Salehi, who also serves as the deputy head of the Academy of Sciences of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Salehi stated recently that the influx of unqualified academics replacing expelled professors would degrade the academic standard of universities, degrading their status.

According to some reports, President Raisi plans to introduce 15,000 "revolutionary" professors to academic faculties nationwide.

Top government officials, along with most university presidents and higher education officials, have refrained from acknowledging the political motivations behind the dismissals.

Hassan Khomeini, the grandson of Islamic Republic founder Ruhollah Khomeini, condemned the ongoing wave of dismissals as a "disturbing issue," warning of severe consequences if the independence of universities and students is compromised.

This policy, which seems to be part of a broader initiative to eliminate regime critics from universities and suppress student protests, has also resulted in announced delays in the start of the academic term in certain universities. Additionally, some universities might resort to online lectures to reduce the likelihood of campus protests on the first anniversary of the Women, Life, Freedom movement.

Javad Rouhi, who was 35 years old, was incarcerated in northern Nowshahr prison and had been sentenced to death. The Supreme Court overturned his death sentence and he was awaiting re-sentencing. Amnesty International had previously reported extensive accounts of severe physical and psychological abuse during Rouhi's detention.

Majid Kaveh announced the news of his death on social media (X, formerly known as Twitter). Rouhi's family also confirmed that he had died but there remain differing accounts regarding the circumstances of his death. Official reports say that he had a seizure at 3:45am on Thursday and was urgently transferred to Shahid Beheshti Hospital in Nowshahr where he was pronounced dead. Other activist reports suggest that he was killed by the regime.

Tasnim News Agency, affiliated with the IRGC, reported that a judicial order had been issued to inspect the prison's CCTV cameras, document the deceased's personal belongings including notes and medications, and conduct a post-mortem examination and toxicology tests to ascertain the cause of death.

Rouhi was arrested during the Woman, Life, Freedom protests in September 2022 and was received a triple death sentence, which was overturned by the Supreme Court.

Rouhi is the latest name added to the long list of political and ideological prisoners who have lost their lives in Iranian prisons in recent years.

Amnesty International reported in September 2021 that it had documented at least 72 individuals who had died in Iranian prisons due to various forms of torture and mistreatment since January 2010.

According to the Telegram channel Bazaar Civil Protest, the worker's protest at the factory, also known as Machine Sazi Arak, gained momentum as the strikers insist that they will not stop until they receive their rightful wages.

Over the past few months, the facility's workforce has staged several strikes over low wages - typically less than $200 per month - and other labor-related concerns. On April 21st, they synchronized their strike action with workers from at least 16 oil and industrial units as a collective and symbolic protest.

Within the past year, Iran has witnessed over 1,600 labor rallies and strikes. However, the Islamic Republic's security and judicial authorities have responded by summoning, arresting, and incarcerating numerous labor activists, aiming to quell dissent.

Authorities contend that the orchestrated strikes are instigated by anti-regime groups, an often-used excuse that only undermines the legitimacy of workers' demands without addressing them. Persistent strikes add to escalating tensions and Iran’s ailing economy but with no action taken regarding workers’ demands, there seems to be no imminent resolution in sight.

"The pilot determines the course, and the co-pilot must follow," said Mojtaba Zolnouri, whilst identifying President Ebrahim Raisi as the co-pilot. “If the president doesn't obey the Supreme Leader, people must pay the price,” he added.

On Wednesday, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei commended President Ebrahim Raisi's administration for making advancements in enhancing relations with neighboring nations. Additionally, Khamenei aimed to justify the record of the Raisi administration by lauding its positive economic figures and "achievements," a stance that many experts and numerous Iranian regime politicians dismiss as political propaganda.

Zolnouri clarified that the president's identification as the nation's ‘co-pilot’ is not due to his proximity to leadership but rather from Raisi’s status among top authorities. Nevertheless, he reiterated that the leader is not subject to presidents' opinions; while officials offer views in expertise and consultation, ultimate decision-making rests with the Supreme Leader. “It's the president who must adhere to this authority,” he said, asserting that deviation from the pilot's decision is impermissible.

Regarding recent nationwide protests, Zolnouri blamed “external influences manipulating the virtual space, coupled with internal issues.” He countered the belief that such events signal the end of the Islamic Republic, asserting that “a system rooted in people's convictions remains resilient despite enemy-generated turbulence.”

The recent protests were the most widespread in the history of the Islamic Republic. The clerical regime has refused to recognize that the unrest triggered by the death in custody of a young woman in September was a genuine popular expression of dissatisfaction at the multiple crises Iran faces.

Tavassoli hailed Tabrizi's film as one of Iran's most significant comedic works saying, "Your words are so true today, Mr. Tabrizi. It's evident that the perspective on clericalism has shifted. It's a different era."

These comments come after Tabrizi’s recent interview about the evolving outlook of today's generation towards the dominant clerical authority in Iran. "Today's generation has a different perspective on the clerical class that is not in line with the world of Marmoulak and its satire,” he said.

Marmoulak, released in 2004, offers a portrayal of humorous situations, including a character adopting clerical attire for thieving purposes. However, despite its sarcastic undertones, the film ultimately defends the clergy and their societal role.

Tavassoli further expressed her thoughts on her Instagram story, stating, "Our cinema is far behind today's intelligent, rebellious, and courageous youth and society. Cinema should freely follow this generation's footsteps to catch up with them in a few years. Everything comes down to these three shining words: Woman, Life, Freedom."

The ongoing nationwide Woman, Life, Freedom protests have seen demonstrators expressing their sentiments against the clergy and defiantly removing the hijab as a form of protest.

Since the 1979 revolution, the clergy have gained increasing power in Iran. However, discontent has surged in recent years, particularly amid waves of protests concerning economic, political, and civil rights issues.