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ANALYSIS

Building a post-oil future needs a sprint: Iran is barely walking

Changiz Abbasi
Changiz Abbasi

International relations analyst

Dec 18, 2025, 07:41 GMT+0Updated: 22:45 GMT+0
An Iranian oil worker handles barrels in this file photo.
An Iranian oil worker handles barrels in this file photo.

Most authoritative energy forecasts, including Iran’s own official estimates, agree that global oil demand will peak in the next decade and then enter irreversible decline, a frightening outlook for Tehran.

For an economy that still derives around 40–50% of government revenue and up to 70% of export earnings from crude, this is not a distant warning. It is an existential deadline.

Iran has, at best, one final 25-year window—and more realistically just under a decade—to execute the most expensive economic transformation in its modern history.

The cost of such a transition is conservatively estimated by analysts and think-tank scenarios at $1.8–2.4 trillion: major water-transfer systems, more than 150 gigawatts of solar and wind capacity, high-speed rail, technology manufacturing hubs, and incentives to slow the accelerating brain drain.

Iran currently lacks both the funds and, under sanctions, access to the necessary capital.

Numbers speak

Oil production capacity peaked in 2018 at roughly 4.8 million barrels per day and now struggles to remain above 3.8 million. Under widely accepted net-zero trajectories, Iran’s oil revenue in 2045 could fall to roughly a fifth of current levels.

Model estimates based on Iran’s latest development plan and historical benchmarks suggest that, to merely maintain living standards after 2040, non-oil exports would need to grow at approximately 19% annually for two decades.

It is not impossible but highly improbable—a feat achieved only by China and South Korea under very different political and institutional conditions.

But where would the money come from?

Foreign direct investment amounted to roughly $1.2 billion in the most recent recorded year—lower than Yemen and Syria.

The National Development Fund, repeatedly tapped for budget deficits, now holds less than $10 billion in liquid assets, according to its own reporting and parliamentary audits.

The Tehran Stock Exchange bleeds capital and remains dominated by quasi-state entities. Primary U.S. sanctions make international borrowing almost impossible.

‘Post-oil’

Even if every sanction were lifted tomorrow, Iran would still require more than a decade of sustained 8–10% annual GDP growth to generate the domestic savings needed for a post-oil transition—a rate it has not achieved in a single year since 2002.

Yet official planning still largely overlooks the challenge.

The Seventh National Development Plan (2023–27) mentions “post-oil” only twice and allocates less than 1% of investment to renewable energy.

A leaked 2041 energy balance from the Ministry of Energy continues to assume oil and gas will supply 82% of primary energy, a projection incompatible with any plausible global scenario.

Energy economists agree on one principle: building a new economic pillar capable of replacing oil rents takes 20–25 years. Iran’s decisive megaprojects must therefore break ground before 2030.

If the country fails to secure $250–300 billion in committed, contract-signed investment by the end of this decade, the window will effectively close.

Time running out

Iran is not starting from weakness in its fundamentals: a young and educated population, world-class engineers, strategic geography, and a diaspora that remitted an estimated $8–10 billion last year.

It possesses every advantage for a successful post-oil future except the one that matters most: a state capable of earning broad legitimacy and institutional trust.

Acknowledging the approaching post-oil cliff would require recognising that the current economic model has faced severe structural difficulties for decades.

The Islamic Republic may endure another decade or two on discounted oil sales to China and intensified domestic control. But the prospect of Iran becoming a prosperous, technologically confident middle-income nation—the future promised to every child born after 1979—becomes extremely difficult without fundamental reform.

Absent a major political rupture, that vision is likely to fade between 2030 and 2035.

“Woman, Life, Freedom” was not just about compulsory hijab. It was the first collective cry of a generation that already senses its economic future slipping away—and that time to reclaim it is running out.

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