A resilient anti-sanctions consensus dominated major Western policy circles and media narratives for a decade, but this stance risks undermining international law by normalizing Iran’s sustained nuclear defiance.
Prominent foreign policy journals, think tanks and legacy media outlets have consistently portrayed the UN sanctions "snapback" mechanism under UNSCR 2231 not as a legal obligation but as a geopolitical hazard.
Reimposing sanctions, they argue, would empower Iranian hardliners, obstruct humanitarian aid and alienate allies. Though presented as cautious and pragmatic, such positions align with Tehran’s longstanding arguments.
This consensus persists despite mounting evidence of Iran’s sustained non-compliance.
In March 2025, US President Donald Trump issued a 60-day ultimatum demanding Iran reduce enrichment and allow expanded IAEA access. Tehran swiftly rejected the demand.
On the 61st day, Israel struck Iranian nuclear sites, capped off by deeper US strikes on underground enrichment facilities on June 22. A ceasefire took effect on June 24, but the crisis persisted.
Table 1 - Chronology of events March-July 2025
Recent escalation, strategic defiance
The IAEA’s resolution of June 12, 2025, confirmed that undeclared nuclear material remained unaccounted for and that the Agency could no longer verify the peaceful nature of Iran’s nuclear program.
On July 4–5, 2025, Iran expelled all inspectors and terminated monitoring protocols, eliminating the last vestige of international oversight.
These actions—alongside continued enrichment to 60%—represent clear violations of Articles II and III of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) which bar non-nuclear-weapon states from acquiring certain nuclear technologies and mandate IAEA safeguards.
Although Article IV affirms a right to peaceful nuclear energy, that right is strictly conditional upon compliance with Articles II and III. In the words of former IAEA deputy chief Pierre Goldschmidt, "enrichment is not an unconditional entitlement."
These violations explicitly trigger the condition of "significant non-performance" under UNSCR 2231, legally mandating sanctions snapback."
Table 2 - UN sanctions regimes
Binding legal obligations
The snapback mechanism embedded in UNSCR 2231 reflects the principle that enforcement must not be held hostage to political convenience.
Iran’s material breaches—expelling inspectors, concealing enriched uranium, continuing high-level enrichment, and refusing to account for undeclared material—trigger conditions for significant non-performance.
UNSCR 2231 operates under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. Articles 39–42 empower the Security Council to determine threats and impose binding measures.
Article 25 obligates all Member States to “accept and carry out” such decisions, while Article 103 ensures Charter obligations supersede conflicting treaties—including the JCPOA.
No expiry date
The International Court of Justice, in its 1971 Namibia Advisory Opinion, affirmed that resolutions under Chapter VII bind all Member States. Once reinstated, sanctions remain legally binding until explicitly lifted by another resolution of equal authority.
International law broadly supports this, as noted by scholars Sue Eckert and Haroun Rahimi. Sanctions do not expire through diplomacy or political shifts. They remain binding.
The Istanbul summit on July 25, 2025, convened Iran and the E3 (UK, France, Germany) amid intense diplomatic pressure but produced no breakthrough.
Iran had already expelled inspectors and resumed 60% enrichment. Uranium removed before the June strikes remains unaccounted for.
The July 22 Qaem-100 satellite launch, despite civilian framing, clearly signals ongoing dual-use missile capabilities. On July 21, Araghchi publicly asserted Iran would proceed regardless of international pressure. The pattern is unmistakable: deliberate defiance.
Abdication not caution
Upholding UNSCR 2231 through snapback is not an expedient—it is a legal obligation. When enforcement mechanisms are neglected, the architecture of deterrence collapses. Delay becomes paralysis, and paralysis risks open conflict.
As Winston Churchill warned amid interwar failures of collective security: "The malice of the wicked was reinforced by the weakness of the virtuous."
Deferring action under UNSCR 2231 amounts not to caution but to abdication.
The E3 now stands at a historical precipice. It can uphold the very enforcement mechanism it established in 2015 or to let it lapse—and with it, allow binding Security Council resolutions to fade into irrelevance.
Triggering snapback means defending the Charter and forestalling further conflict in an already volatile region.
No inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency are currently present in the country, Iran said on Monday, adding that future cooperation with the agency will be determined following an upcoming visit by a senior IAEA official.
“We are obliged to regulate our interactions with the agency based on the law passed by parliament,” the Foreign Ministry Spokesman Esmail Baghaei said during his weekly briefing, referring to legislation that suspended IAEA access to nuclear sites.
In late June, Iran’s parliament approved a bill to suspend the country’s cooperation with the IAEA, a day after a ceasefire with Israel following 12 days of deadly war.
The bill, passed with 221 votes in favor, none against, and one abstention out of 223 members present, bars the UN nuclear watchdog’s inspectors from accessing Iran’s nuclear facilities.
Iran also accused the agency chief Rafael Grossi of bias and failing to condemn the attacks.
No normal situation, Iran says
Baghaei said Monday that Iran’s nuclear facilities came under attack during the recent conflict, adding that the current situation is not normal and could raise concerns about ensuring the safety of international inspectors.
The scheduled visit, according to the ministry, expected within 10 days, will take place within the framework of technical cooperation.
However, Baghaei said, “The visit of IAEA representatives to Tehran is being carried out to examine the matter. We are facing an exceptional situation: for the first time in the history of the International Atomic Energy Agency, the operating facilities of a Non-Proliferation Treaty member state—facilities under 24-hour agency supervision—have come under unlawful attack by two nuclear-armed regimes."
The foreign ministry accused the IAEA of abandoning neutrality, failing to condemn the attacks, and enabling external pressure through its own actions.
‘Defensive capabilities not up for negotiation’
Iran would assess the outcome of the IAEA visit and make decisions about future cooperation in line with the binding parliamentary mandate, Baghaei added.
Any further negotiations must include demands for accountability and compensation over the strikes on nuclear infrastructure, he said.
Responding to recent comments by British Foreign Secretary David Lammy, who said Iran’s 60 percent enrichment has no civilian justification, Baghaei dismissed the remarks as politically motivated.
“He is in no position to cast doubt on Iran’s nuclear program,” the ministry spokesman said.
Iran’s defensive capabilities would not be subject to any negotiation, Baghaei said, criticizing the European parties to the nuclear deal for “inconsistency.”
While deputy foreign ministers remain in contact, he said, no date has been set for a next round of talks with the E3.
Tehran would issue a firm response if European governments trigger the snapback mechanism under UN Resolution 2231, Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi said Sunday.
“We have made it clear to the United Nations and the Security Council that such a step is a misuse of international structures, and the Islamic Republic will respond decisively,” he said.
The government remains committed to the law suspending cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency, Ebrahim Rezaei, the committee’s spokesperson, quoted Gharibabadi as saying.
President Masoud Pezeshkian enacted the IAEA suspension law early in July, following its approval by parliament and the Guardian Council. Rezaei described the legislation as “binding and enforceable.”
European states have failed to uphold their obligations under the nuclear agreement, the deputy foreign minister said, and therefore “have no right to activate snapback,” according to Rezaei.
Meanwhile, hardline newspaper Farhikhtegan warned in an article of escalating tensions, the possibility of military conflict, and the formation of a global consensus against the Islamic Republic following activation of the snapback mechanism by European countries.
Iran aligns with China, Russia on snapback response
Tehran had held a trilateral meeting with Beijing and Moscow to coordinate a joint stance in case the European powers move to reimpose UN sanctions, Gharibabadi told the committee.
His comments follow renewed scrutiny of Iran’s ties with its two main partners.
On Sunday, Revolutionary Guard political deputy Yadollah Javani responded to domestic criticism over Chinese and Russian inaction during Israeli attacks by saying Tehran had made no request for support.
Long-term agreements with both countries “do not oblige them to defend the Islamic Republic during war,” he added.
Separately, Saudi outlet Al Hadath reported that the United States is pressuring China to halt Iranian oil imports.
Beijing has expressed willingness to reduce purchases if offered lower prices elsewhere.
Citing informed sources, Al Hadath also reported that according to US assessments, the administration of US president Donald Trump may have no more than one year left to act against the Islamic Republic’s nuclear program.
“Washington does not intend to give Tehran any opportunity to rebuild its power,” wrote the outlet.
US President Donald Trump repeatedly said that American airstrikes had obliterated Iran’s nuclear infrastructure.
UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy has warned that regime change in Iran could produce outcomes “as bad or worse,” saying there is no guarantee that any successor to the Revolutionary Guards would be an improvement.
“There are lots of people in Iran who would like regime change,” Lammy told The Guardian, in an interview published on Saturday. “But there are no guarantees that what would replace the current Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps would not be as bad or worse.”
“The US decision to bomb was not to topple Iran’s government,” he added.
Lammy emphasized that the decision over Iran’s political future “is for the Iranian people to determine,” and that his focus remains on preventing Tehran from developing nuclear weapons.
Nuclear concerns remain central
Lammy also said Iran has failed to justify its production of uranium enriched to 60% purity, a level far beyond what’s needed for civilian energy.
“Its leaders cannot explain to me, and I’ve had many conversations with them, why they need 60% enriched uranium,” he said, pointing out that enrichment in UK sites like Sellafield and Urenco does not exceed 6%.
He warned of a broader risk to the region: “We would be very suddenly handing over to our children and grandchildren a world that had many more nuclear weapons in it than it has today.”
Tehran denies talks aim at a deal
Lammy’s comments come amid renewed, but limited, diplomatic contacts between Iran and the so-called E3 — Britain, France and Germany. Tehran insists these are not formal negotiations.
“There are no talks aimed at reaching a deal with Europe at the moment,” Iranian government spokesperson Fatemeh Mohajerani told Russia’s Sputnik news agency. “These are exchanges of opinion.”
The discussions follow last week's meeting in Istanbul, the first such engagement since Israeli and US strikes on Iranian territory in June.
NPT threat underscores tensions
Iran International earlier this week reported that Tehran has warned it may withdraw from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) if the E3 moves to trigger snapback UN sanctions under Security Council Resolution 2231.
Tehran rejects the legal basis of such a move and accuses European states of aligning themselves with US and Israeli military actions.
Iran says diplomacy backed by Supreme Leader
A senior Iranian lawmaker said on Saturday that the recent talks have full backing from the country’s top leadership.
“What is happening now is certainly the decision of the ruling system,” said Abbas Golroo, a senior lawmaker and member of the national security and foreign policy committee. He called the decision to engage diplomatically “the right one.”
Golroo said talks could help reduce threats and stressed the need to keep close ties with Russia and China. “Our backing must allow the team to protect national interests and manage challenges in these delicate conditions,” he said.
Iran is holding talks with European powers on its nuclear program, but no negotiations aimed at reaching a new agreement are currently underway, government spokesperson Fatemeh Mohajerani said in an interview published on Saturday.
“What is taking place now between Iran and the three European countries is an exchange of views on the nuclear issue, which has become highly complex,” Mohajerani told Russian state-owned news agency Sputnik.
She said Iran has never opposed dialogue with Europe but stressed that the current contacts do not amount to formal negotiations. “There are no talks aimed at reaching a deal with Europe at the moment,” she said. “These are exchanges of opinion.”
Talks follow high-level Istanbul meeting
Her comments follow last week’s meeting in Istanbul between Iranian officials and representatives from Britain, France and Germany, known collectively as the E3. The closed-door session marked the first formal nuclear discussions since Israeli and US strikes on Iranian territory in June.
Iran International earlier reported that Tehran had privately warned it may withdraw from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) if the E3 proceeds with reimposing UN sanctions under the snapback mechanism of Security Council Resolution 2231. The warning, conveyed by Deputy Foreign Minister Majid Takht Ravanchi, was described by diplomats as firm but not a declaration of intent to build nuclear weapons.
Tehran has rejected the legal basis of any E3 attempt to trigger sanctions, with foreign ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei saying the three countries had “marginalized themselves” by aligning with the military action from Israel and the United States.
Lawmaker says talks approved by leadership
The current diplomatic activity was authorized by the ruling system, not initiated independently by diplomats, a senior Iranian lawmaker said on Saturday.
“What is happening now is certainly the decision of the ruling system,” Abbas Golroo, a member of the national security and foreign policy committee in parliament, told state media. “This decision to negotiate is the right one in my view.”
Golroo said recent talks could help reduce threats and widen diplomatic space for Iran, particularly as the country faces pressure over the possible reimposition of UN sanctions. He also stressed the importance of parallel diplomatic channels with China and Russia.
“Our backing must allow the team to protect national interests and manage challenges in these delicate conditions,” he said.
The United States dismissed Iran’s demand for financial compensation over the June strikes on its nuclear sites, calling it "ridiculous" and urging Tehran to end destabilizing actions.
“Any demands for financial compensation from the United States to the Iranian regime are ridiculous,” Principal Deputy Spokesperson Tommy Pigott said at a press briefing in Washington on Thursday. “If the Iranian regime really wanted to save money, they would stop funding terrorist death squads, stop oppressing their own people, and stop wasting money on a nuclear program that isolates them further.”
The comments came after Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi told the Financial Times that Tehran would not return to nuclear negotiations unless Washington accepted responsibility for the attacks and offered compensation.
Ball is in Iran’s court, US says
Pigott said the United States remains open to diplomacy but warned that Tehran has limited time. “Iran has a short window of opportunity, but the ball is in Iran’s court,” he said. “We’re waiting to see what they do.”
Araghchi had said talks with the US could not proceed without “confidence-building measures,” including financial redress and guarantees against future strikes. He also confirmed that a third enrichment site near Isfahan was hit during the war, the first time Tehran has publicly acknowledged the attack.
Talks remain on hold as tensions linger
The United States and Israel launched strikes on Iran’s nuclear sites at Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan days before a ceasefire in June, citing threats from Tehran’s nuclear escalation. Iran suspended cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency shortly after, though technical talks with the IAEA are expected in the coming weeks.
Araghchi said Iran and the US exchanged messages before, during and after the war but added that the “road to negotiation is narrow.” He also warned that any European move to restore UN sanctions under the 2015 nuclear deal would end Iran’s talks with the UK, France and Germany.
“With the Europeans, there is no reason right now to negotiate,” he said. “They cannot lift sanctions, they cannot do anything.”