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Iran’s president accused of coup plans as post-war rift widens

Behrouz Turani
Behrouz Turani

Iran International

Jul 15, 2025, 16:34 GMT+1Updated: 07:50 GMT+0
Iran's president Masoud Pezeshkian attending a ceremony commemorating security forces killed in Israeli strikes, Tehran, Iran, July 14, 2025
Iran's president Masoud Pezeshkian attending a ceremony commemorating security forces killed in Israeli strikes, Tehran, Iran, July 14, 2025

Iran’s political fault lines are widening in the aftermath of the 12-day war with Israel, with President Masoud Pezeshkian facing accusations of attempting a coup against Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.

More than 30 lawmakers have called for his dismissal, signaling a deepening power struggle masked only briefly by calls for post-war unity.

Hardliners accuse relative moderate Pezeshkian of overstepping his authority and plotting to steer the Islamic Republic toward normalization with Israel, without citing any evidence.

“The Pezeshkian administration will end the Islamic Revolution before the conclusion of his term,” MP and former ambassador Abolfazl Zohrevand said in a video that has gone viral.

“They believe that by ending the revolution and terminating Khamenei’s rule, they can begin a new era and join the Abraham Accords,” he added.

When asked if this amounted to a coup, Zohrevand replied, “What else could this be if not a coup d’état?”

While such rhetoric may appear extreme, it reflects a broader anxiety in Tehran about the future of the theocracy post-Khamenei—a question brought to the fore by his unprecedented absence from public life during and after Israeli strikes on Iran.

Presidential pushback

Pezeshkian himself has alluded to the infighting.

“We are not allowed to impose our views on others,” he told staff on July 13 according to an official readout. “Those who oppose us are not necessarily our enemies … We should not favor insiders over outsiders through coercion.”

A close adviser to Khamenei also addressed the clash—notably disapproving of the growing pressure on Pezeshkian.

“(Some) groups of Iranian politicians and political organizations are attempting to challenge the President’s political competence,” news outlet Asr-e Iran quoted Mohammad Mokhber as saying. “(It’s) a wrong move.”

Reformists sound the alarm

Some reformist voices now warn that what is unfolding is not post-war unity but dangerous fragmentation.

“The dust has not settled after the explosions, yet the sound of polarization is louder than the missile blasts,” former government spokesman Ali Rabiei wrote in Etemad Daily on July 10. “Let’s prevent societal fragmentation—this is precisely what the aggressors want.”

Nuclear scientist and ex-MP Ahmad Shirzad echoed the warning, calling for a more inclusive approach that would reconcile a largely alienated population.

“We need to return to the people and secure their partnership in governance. They must be able to see the government as their own,” Shirzad wrote in the reformist daily Arman Melli.

Calls for “national reconciliation” now function less as policy proposals than as signals of alarm: the war may have ended, but the political reckoning has only begun.

“The government must not dismiss societal demands,” Reform Front spokesperson Javad Emam said.

“It should release all political prisoners, invite political participation, and declare a general amnesty to facilitate the return of Iranian expatriates.”

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