Pezeshkian has no plans to run for second term in 2028 - Iranian newspaper

Recent reports in Iranian media suggest that Zanjani, despite being officially incarcerated, may be laying the groundwork for ambitious economic projects, including ventures in cryptocurrency, aviation, and oil transport.

The conservative Khorasan daily recently questioned reports about Zanjani's involvement in launching a cryptocurrency bank named Bit Bank. Social media users have said that a sign bearing the bank's name has been spotted on a building in Tehran, fueling speculation about Zanjani's return to economic activities.

"Are the claims regarding Babak Zanjani's new activities true? If so, will he be released from prison, granted conditional freedom as previously mentioned by his lawyer, or will he launch a new round of economic activities from inside prison?" Khorasan asked in a recent editorial.

A video uploaded to a YouTube account in December attributed to Zanjani detailed plans for a blockchain-based economic initiative, describing Iran's economy as fertile ground for such innovations.

The timing of these activities raises eyebrows, given the Trump administration’s potential return to a maximum pressure policy against Iran. Cryptocurrency, particularly projects pegged to stable assets like the dollar, could serve as a tool for evading sanctions. However, no concrete evidence links Zanjani directly to these developments beyond the circulating social media claims.

Adding to the intrigue are notes attributed to Zanjani on social media suggesting the establishment of an airline, Dot One, which promises to transform Iran's aviation industry.

Another report said that Zanjani intends to launch a large-scale oil transport operation involving thousands of tanker trucks. While the authenticity of these statements remains uncertain, the ambitious tone mirrors the bold projects Zanjani was associated with during his heyday.

Conservative media outlets in Iran have called on judiciary officials to clarify Zanjani’s legal and operational status.

In response to speculation about Zanjani’s release from prison, judiciary spokesperson Asghar Jahangir earlier said: "Babak Zanjani has neither been released nor is he on leave." The official said that no recent developments support claims of Zanjani’s release.

Nevertheless, Zanjani’s lawyer, Rasoul Kouhpayeizadeh, fueled speculation by posting a photo on Instagram showing Zanjani with an individual dressed as someone from a Persian Gulf Arab country, tagged at a location in Tehran. The post’s ambiguous nature has only added to the mystery surrounding Zanjani’s exact status and whereabouts.

A Legacy of Controversy

Zanjani’s rise and fall remain one of the most contentious episodes in Iran’s recent economic history. Once valued at $13.5 billion, Zanjani was seen as a key player in circumventing sanctions under President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. His networks laundered billions through complex schemes spanning Turkey, Indonesia, and Central Asia. Arrested in Iran in 2013, Zanjani was convicted of embezzling $1.9 billion in oil revenues, earning him a death sentence later commuted to 20 years in prison. The government charged that he pocketed money from oil exports insted of returning it to the treasury.

While some officials have praised Zanjani for eventually returning the assets, many argue that his extensive operations were enabled by high-level complicity. The secrecy surrounding his dealings and cooperation with authorities have led many to view him as a figure too well-connected to face the full consequences of his actions.

Zanjani's resurgence coincides with Iran’s ongoing economic crisis. As sanctions persist, limiting oil exports and access to international banking, the government struggles with budget deficits and hyperinflation. Cryptocurrency projects and privatized oil transport ventures, if materialized, could offer alternative revenue streams for Iran’s beleaguered economy.

Yet, the ambiguity surrounding Zanjani’s activities and the lack of official acknowledgment leave more questions than answers.

Mohammad Hassan Qadiri Abyaneh, former ambassador to Australia and Mexico, described Donald Trump as exhibiting "foolishness and bullying" but said that some of the US president's remarks have "appealed to Muslims."

“Trump opposes homosexuality and drinking alcohol, and he has said, ‘Why should we remove the hijab from Muslim women, who have been dressing like this for centuries?’” Qadiri Abyaneh told ILNA News on Saturday.

While Trump has not made the specific statements the former official referred to, he did criticize American intervention in the Middle East during a 2016 speech. Highlighting a woman’s perspective on wearing traditional coverings, Trump said, “They said, ‘We want to wear them, we’ve worn them for a thousand years. Why would anybody tell us not?’ They want to! What the hell are we getting involved for?”

Regarding Trump’s stance on alcohol, it is well-known that he does not drink. In 2017, he explained the personal reasons behind this decision, citing his late brother, Fred Trump, who struggled with alcoholism and died in 1981 at the age of 43.

On the subject of homosexuality, Trump has enjoyed strong support from the US evangelical Christian community and others. He has consistently criticized political opponents for undermining traditional social norms and family values, a stance that aligns closely with conservative views.

Qadiri Abyaneh also said that Muslims in the United States "did not vote for the Democrats this time due to their support for Israel" and instead supported Trump, a Republican.

According to a survey by the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), fewer than 50% of Muslim voters backed Kamala Harris in the last election, compared to around 65–70% who voted for Joe Biden in the 2020 presidential election.

Qadiri Abyaneh's remarks come as Iranian officials have appealed for negotiations with Trump to address tensions with Washington and ease sanctions amid a deep economic crisis.

"In Iran, nobody would be detained due to his professional activities, like the media, like the civil society," Kazem Gharibabadi, Iran’s deputy minister for international and legal affairs at the ministry of foreign affairs told the 48th session of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) on Friday.

He also dismissed UN Special Rapporteur’s reports on Iran, arguing that they fail to reflect the realities of human rights in the country and rely on incorrect information and unreliable sources with a biased approach and political motivations.

Gharibabadi did not clarify which sources or organizations Iran considers credible, adding only that Iran views the appointment of a UN Special Rapporteur on the country as "an act based on continuous political mobilization against Iran", orchestrated by certain member states of the Human Rights Council.

Over the past year, many independent non-governmental organizations have expressed concern over its rights abuses including its ongoing crackdown on journalists.

Iran’s press freedom ranking remains among the worst globally, with Reporters Without Borders placing the country 176th out of 180 in its 2024 World Press Freedom Index.

Earlier this month, Defending Free Flow of Information (DeFFI), a non-profit which monitors and documents press freedom in Iran said in its annual report it documented 385 judicial and security actions targeting at least 256 journalists and media outlets in 2024.

Among these, 36 journalists and media activists were arrested, and 11 served prison sentences totaling 69 years and 10 months. Penalties included flogging with 110 lashes and fines.

The report outlined a deliberate pattern of repression, correlating significant waves of arrests and prosecutions with major political events, including the death of former president Ebrahim Raisi, the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s government in Syria and tensions between Iran and Israel.

DeFFI said Iran’s judicial and security bodies systematically used charges such as “dissemination of falsehoods aimed at disturbing public opinion” to stifle dissent and enforce self-censorship among journalists.

The repression disproportionately impacted female journalists, with 40 women facing judicial and security actions, including arrests, prison sentences, and professional bans. Three female journalists received five-year prison terms, among the harshest sentences issued in 2024.

While Gharibabadi denied the existence of ethnic minorities in Iran on Friday, DeFFI’s report said the Islamic Republic also intensified media suppression outside Tehran, particularly in provinces with significant ethnic minority populations, such as Khuzestan, Sistan and Baluchestan, and Kurdistan.

DeFFI reported that judicial action against journalists in these areas contributed to a growing “news desert” depriving citizens of reliable, independent information.

The appointment of Michael Dimino as Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for the Middle East is seen by some observers in Tehran as an indication of a possible recalibration in US policy toward Tehran.

Esmaeil Khatib, Iran’s Intelligence Minister, dismissed the notion of productive negotiations with the US, citing previous instances where, according to him, Washington failed to uphold its commitments.

“The Islamic Revolution has extensive experience with these negotiations, a prominent example being the JCPOA. Negotiations held in Oman, as well as those concerning our assets in Qatar and South Korea, all reveal that the Americans have not fulfilled their promises in any of them,” Khatib told ILNA, referencing the 2015 nuclear deal.

He repeated his staunch opposition to what he called imposed negotiations, adding, “Anyone who is truthful will earn the respect of Iran, Islam, and the Revolution for their honesty, and wherever there is deceit, arrogance, hostility, and oppression, Iran will resist.”

Clerics Echo Anti-US Sentiment

Tehran’s Friday prayers featured strong rebukes of US policies. Ahmad Khatami, a senior ultra-conservative cleric, invoked Iran’s ideological opposition to Washington, saying, “The late leader Khomeini called the US the Great Satan. The Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has reiterated this stance numerous times.”

Khatami argued that the US’s primary aim in seeking talks was to undermine the Islamic Republic, adding, “The US seeks negotiations as a means to confront the Revolution.”

Ahmad Alamolhoda, Mashhad’s hardliner Friday Prayer Leader, also criticized domestic advocates for dialogue with the West, asking, “With whom do you wish to negotiate? With defeated elements who have sunk to such humiliation?”

Dovish Dimino?

While Iranian hardliners reject overtures from Washington, moderate voices within the country have pointed to potential openings under Trump’s renewed tenure.

Fararu, a relatively moderate Iranian news outlet, highlighted comments by VP for Strategic Affairs Mohammad Javad Zarif, who expressed hope for a more rational approach from Trump.

The outlet noted that recent changes in Trump’s foreign policy team, including Dimino’s appointment, could signal an interest in diplomacy.

Dimino’s stance on the Middle East contrasts with more forceful policies. He has opposed preemptive military strikes on Iran, called for reducing the US military footprint in the region, and emphasized diplomacy as a solution to conflicts.

This Department of Defense official has said that the US should significantly reduce its troop presence in the region and shut down its military bases in Iraq and Syria.

Dimino had described US strikes on the Houthis as lacking deterrent value. He also called for a reassessment of the US presence in the Persian Gulf.

"Iranian power remains both exaggerated and misunderstood. Its economy continues to underperform, and its conventional military is antiquated and untested. Tehran simply doesn’t have the financial capital or hard power capabilities to dominate the Middle East or directly threaten core US interests," he wrote in a 2023 article.

He has repeatedly warned that Israeli attacks on Iran and the Islamic Republic’s proxy forces increase the risks to US forces in the region.

Critics, however, argue that his affiliation with the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft —a think tank known for promoting restraint in US foreign policy—raises concerns about the administration’s commitment to Israel.

Pro-Israel figures, such as commentator Mark Levin, have criticized Dimino’s views, citing his opposition to US defensive support for Israel against Hezbollah. Others view his appointment as a potential indicator that Trump is exploring non-military options in dealing with Tehran.

US-Iran relations have been fraught since Trump’s 2018 withdrawal from the JCPOA, a decision that intensified sanctions and strained Tehran’s economy.

Tensions peaked in January 2020, when a US drone strike killed IRGC Qods Force Commander Qassem Soleimani, an event that both nations view as a turning point in their confrontation.

As Trump’s administration implements a renewed maximum pressure campaign, debates persist about the feasibility of US-Iran diplomacy.

According to the APA news agency, Azerbaijani officials raised objections over what they described as a systematic campaign by Iranian media outlets, allegedly close to the Iranian government, to discredit Azerbaijan.

The controversy follows reports that Azerbaijan expelled or barred 16 Iranian female students, accusing them of collaborating with Iranian-linked entities. Iranian state media condemned the expulsions as being aligned with Israel’s policies.

Tensions further escalated earlier in January after Azerbaijan’s security services said they had foiled a plot to assassinate a prominent local Jewish figure for $200,000. Two suspects were arrested, with Azerbaijani officials alleging they acted "under the guidance of a foreign country." While no nation was explicitly named, sources within Azerbaijan’s Jewish community have pointed to Iran.

Meanwhile, on Friday, Mojtaba Demirchilou, an aide to Iran’s foreign minister and director general for Eurasia affairs, met with Azerbaijan's ambassador in Tehran, Ali Alizadeh. During the meeting, Demirchilou protested what he described as "negative actions by certain circles or individuals in Azerbaijan," including the "unethical incident" involving Iranian students. He described these actions as "damaging to relations between the two nations" and called for decisive measures against those responsible.

This development adds to long-standing tensions between the two countries. Tehran has been critical of Baku’s close ties with Israel, while Azerbaijan has expressed frustration over Tehran’s alleged provocations, including inflammatory rhetoric by Iranian clerics and media.

Earlier this month, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev condemned remarks by Iranian cleric Seyyed Hassan Ameli, the Friday Prayer Leader of Ardabil. Ameli accused Azerbaijan of collaborating with Israel and described President Aliyev's policies as part of a "multi-billion dollar gamble with the Israelis." The remarks, aired on IRIB News, also reportedly included insults towards Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

During a press briefing, Aliyev publicly questioned Iran’s leadership over its silence on the matter, demanding an apology. "What is their reaction? Does [the Iranian leadership] support this or not? Who will apologize to Azerbaijan?" Aliyev asked, reflecting the deepening strain between the neighbors.