US congressman urges action against Russia after Tehran-Moscow pact

On Thursday, I had a brief encounter with Trump’s pick for Secretary of State, Senator Marco Rubio, in the halls of the Senate Russell Building. When asked about the United States’ current sanctions on Iran, Rubio offered a succinct justification.

“If Iran didn’t flow money to terrorist groups, there would be no sanctions,” he said, stressing his belief that the Iranian regime prioritizes its geopolitical ambitions over the welfare of its citizens. “I see no evidence that the regime spends the money they generate for the people of Iran,” he added.

I also pressed Rubio on what an acceptable nuclear deal with Iran would look like. “We will discuss that once I’m confirmed,” he said, citing his pending confirmation as state secretary.

Senator Rubio’s comments suggest that the administration may be recalibrating its approach to diplomacy with Tehran, but the specifics remain tightly guarded.

Last week, Representative Michael Waltz highlighted the broader geopolitical stakes of Washington’s “maximum pressure” campaign against Iran. Waltz framed Iran’s influence as extending beyond the Middle East, impacting other theaters of global conflict.

“Maximum pressure, not only will it help stability in the Middle East, but it’ll help stability in the Russia-Ukraine theater as well, as Iran provides ballistic missiles and literally thousands and thousands of drones that are going into that theater,” he said.

These comments shed light on some key aspects of the Trump administration’s approach to Iran on three tiers:

1. Domestic

Rubio’s criticism of Tehran’s resource allocation underscores a broader narrative within US policy circles: that the Iranian government prioritizes its ideological and military goals over improving the lives of ordinary Iranians. This rhetoric not only justifies sanctions but also seeks to build moral justification for US policies.

2. Regional

Rubio’s remarks indicate that sanctions are unlikely to ease as long as Iran continues to support groups like Hezbollah and Hamas. The administration’s hardline stance suggests a belief that financial isolation could force Tehran to reconsider its regional agenda.

3. Global

Waltz’s comments highlight an emerging perspective that Iran’s activities are no longer confined to the Middle East. The administration appears to view Tehran as a destabilizing force in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, through its provision of drones and missiles. This framing links Iran policy to broader US strategic interests in Eastern Europe, potentially broadening the case for continued pressure.

And the nuclear question

Top on the Trump team’s list of priorities when it comes to Iran is, of course, the country’s nuclear program. Rubio’s reticence on the issue suggests that the administration may still be formulating its approach. While the specifics remain uncertain, any future negotiations would likely focus on verifiable limits to Iran’s nuclear capabilities, coupled with measures to curb its missile program and regional influence.

The Trump administration’s Iran strategy continues to evolve, but its broad contours reflect a commitment to economic pressure and containment. Comments from Rubio and Waltz signal a focus on curtailing Iran’s regional and global influence, tying these efforts to broader US interests.

As the administration moves forward, it remains to be seen how these priorities will translate into concrete policies, particularly on the nuclear front. For now, the Trump team is keeping their cards close to their chest.

According to the source, the delegation from Iran was given the option to either wait in the lounge or return to their hotel, as Putin was not yet ready to meet.

Pezeshkian decided to leave the Kremlin under the pretext of saying prayers before returning for the delayed meeting.

Putin has routinely made world leaders await his arrival in what is widely viewed as a psychological tactic by the former KGB operative. In two of the most notorious instances, Putin kept German Chancellor Angela Merkel and former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych waiting for around four hours.

Leaders from Japan, Mongolia and Israel were made to wait for up to three hours. In 2003, Putin kept Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom waiting for almost 15 minutes, a rare slight for the revered monarch.

In 2012, then-US President Barack Obama had to delay post-meeting plans by 40 minutes due to Putin's tardiness.

Analysts believe Putin aims to throw off counterparts and gain an advantage in negotiations with the move, which has mostly been deployed with leaders not in favor with Moscow.

At a joint press conference after signing the agreement, the two leaders said Russia and Iran would increase cooperation across a range of areas including politics, security, trade, transport and energy.

Before their meeting, Pezeshkian and his delegation were kept waiting for around an hour as Putin arrived late, a source told Iran International.

Iran and Russia have strengthened ties in recent years, pushed together by isolation led by the United States and shared strategic interest in resisting Washington.

In the strategic pact signed on Friday, the two countries agreed to strengthen cooperation in the fields of security and defense, Russian state-run TASS news agency reported.

"Russia and Iran have agreed that in the event of an attack on one party, the other party will under no circumstances support the aggressor," the report said.

Putin told the joint press conference that plans are advancing to export natural gas to Iran as part of the agreement, saying Russian supply to Iran could ultimately reach 55 billion cubic meters per year.

But he cited delays to Russia's efforts to build up nuclear power infrastructure in Iran, adding that Moscow is considering further construction to address the situation.

"We have a huge project in the nuclear power industry. One unit is already operating successfully. We are now discussing the possibility of building additional units."

During the press conference, Pezeshkian expressed support for resolving the Russia-Ukraine conflict through negotiations, saying Western countries must respect the security concerns of other nations.

"The agreements and policies signed today emphasize understanding, avoiding unilateralism, and cooperating with regional actors to resolve issues within the region, making the intervention of other countries in the Middle East unnecessary."

Both nations have faced Western sanctions - Russia due to its full-scale invasion of Ukraine and Iran over its support for armed groups in the Mideast, nuclear program and human rights abuses.

Moscow and Tehran have stepped up military cooperation and Russia has deployed Iranian drones and missiles in Ukraine, despite Tehran's denials.

In the Middle East, Iran and Russia have collaborated closely particularly in Syria, where the downfall of their longtime ally Bashar al-Assad was a major setback.

This evolving geopolitical landscape has further incentivized Tehran and Moscow to solidify their partnership. Analysts say the pact’s timing is a sign Moscow and Tehran are bracing for Donald Trump’s return to the White House this month.

Advisers to Trump, who takes office next Monday, are reportedly crafting a wide-ranging sanctions strategy to facilitate a Russia-Ukraine diplomatic accord in the coming months while at the same time squeezing Iran, people familiar with the matter told Bloomberg.

According to the source speaking to Iran International, following Putin's delay the Iranian presidential delegation was given the option to either wait in a lounge or return to their hotel.

Pezeshkian decided to leave the Kremlin under the pretext of saying prayers before returning for the delayed meeting.

Putin has routinely made world leaders await his arrival in what is widely viewed as a psychological tactic by the former KGB operative but usually employed with leaders Moscow views as an adversary.

Describing Iran-Russia relations as sensitive and strategic, Pezeshkian stressed Iran’s commitment to deepening ties, according to Iranian media covering the meeting.

He also stressed that regional issues should be resolved by the countries within the region without interference from external powers. "Our enhanced relations will thwart the plans of those seeking to destabilize the region and impose their policies," Pezeshkian said, while Russia is not part of the region.

During the meeting, the Iranian president confirmed plans to sign a long-awaited strategic agreement, saying it would strengthen Iran-Russia cooperation in economic, cultural, trade, and security areas.

He also highlighted progress on a joint project to build a new nuclear power plant in Iran and pointed to the removal of obstacles hindering the expansion of bilateral ties. "We have worked to remove barriers to expanding our relations," he added.

A fierce battle is unfolding between centrist politicians, such as President Masoud Pezeshkian, who favors dialogue with Trump in an effort to solve the country's economic problems as he told the NBC News channel, and hardliners who accuse the proponents of negotiations with the Trump Administration of selling out the country to the United States. Meanwhile, Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi attempted to take a neutral stance, stating that the Ministry simply implements decisions made by the political system. "Decisions will be made by the authority that has to decide," Entekhab News quoted him as saying.

These conflicting views among Islamic Republic officials and politicians regarding negotiations take place against the backdrop of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's firm opposition to talks with Donald Trump, primarily due to Trump's role in the assassination of former IRGC Quds Force Commander Qasem Soleimani.

The positions of both men are well-documented and publicly accessible. Khamenei's opposition to negotiations with Trump is explicitly stated on his official website, while clips of Trump’s televised statement admitting to ordering Soleimani’s killing are widely circulated on social media. Neither can deny their past remarks.

A senior member of Khamenei's office, Mehdi Fazaeli, told the press in Tehran on Wednesday: "I say loud and clear, and with the highest degree of certainty that negotiations with the United States will not serve our national interests."

At the same time, Foreign Minister Araghchi has stated that "Iran might start negotiations if Washington returns to the 2015 nuclear deal." However, this scenario seems unlikely, given that it was Trump who unilaterally withdrew from the agreement, known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), in 2018.

Furthermore, it seems highly unlikely that Iran's nuclear program would be the sole focus of negotiations between Khamenei's Islamic Republic and Trump's America. The West has repeatedly emphasized its demand for Iran to cease harboring and supporting “terrorism” and armed proxy groups.

Although Israel’s attacks against Iran’s regional proxy groups have diminished their prominence on the negotiation agenda, the United States, Europe, and even China remain concerned about the Yemeni Houthis’ attacks on Israel and international navigation in the Red Sea.

The Didban Iran website quoted Fazaeli as saying: "Supporters of negotiations believe they can resolve Iran's economic problems, while opponents argue that not only will negotiations fail to address these issues, but they may also lead to new challenges."

Fazaeli, regarded as a voice reflecting Khamenei’s views, stated that "the Islamic Republic, rooted in its ideology, cannot engage in talks with oppressors and imperialists." He further argued that "America's positions on the Panama Canal and Greenland are clear evidence of its imperialist nature."

"Meanwhile, our experiences negotiating with the United States, whether over the release of US hostages in 1981 or the nuclear deal in 2015, have reinforced our distrust of America," he said, notably without expressing any regret over the 1979 hostage-taking of US diplomats.

Hardline daily Kayhan, close to Khamenei's office, characterized Pezeshkian's remarks in his NBC interview about the possibility of talks with the Trump Administration as "Begging America for negotiations," and added: "That is madness."

While Iranian hardliners are well-known for their staunch opposition to rapprochement with Washington, other Iranian politicians also frequently resort to anti-US rhetoric. Earlier this week, in an ironic twist, Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf repeatedly chanted "Death to America!" in an effort to pacify an outraged hardliner MP who was railing against the US in parliament.

The apparent divide among Iranian politicians over negotiations could be a calculated strategy to present a united front in disagreement, aimed at convincing US negotiators that significant concessions are needed from Washington to overcome internal opposition. At the same time, they may seek to reassure Russia during an upcoming meeting between President Pezeshkian and Vladimir Putin in Moscow on Friday that the prospects for Tehran-Washington relations remain uncertain.