Iran International
A controversial politician popular with ultra-hardliner youth has sparked social media controversy by claiming Iran’s Leader wants him to continue in his path “with determination”.
Ali-Akbar Raefipour, a prolific speaker and social media activist, claimed in a speech on Thursday that Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei had responded to a "fifteen-page letter" he sent a month ago. Raefipour’s critics quickly took to social media, accusing him of fabricating Khamenei’s support and demanding that he publish both the letter and the alleged response. They argue that Khamenei rarely responds personally to politicians, especially outside of state matters, making Raefipour’s claim implausible.
In his speech, Raefipour said he had asked Khamenei if he was displeased with him, as his critics suggested, and offered to cease his political activities if the Leader disapproved. According to Raefipour, Khamenei denied the accusation, urging him to continue his work "with determination."
In response to a journalist who accused Raefipour of falsely claiming Khamenei responded to his letter, one of his supporters argued in a tweet Friday that he would not have made such a claim at this time if he wanted to hide behind the Leader. Instead he would have sought Khamenei's support when he was accused of laundering money through his so-called ‘cultural institute’ by Parliament Speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf’s supporters.
Raefipour is best known for his allegiance to the ultra-hardliner former nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili whom he and his young ‘revolutionary’ followers supported in the presidential elections against other conservative candidates and Masoud Pezeshkian.
The views expressed by Raefipour, his supporters, and allies including the Paydari (Steadfastness) Party often mirror the apocalyptic religious and anti-Western political views of the controversial cleric Mohammad-Mahdi Mirbagheri that are sometimes even more extreme than Khamenei’s.
Raefipour established Jebhe-ye Sobh-e Iran (Iran Morning Front) shortly before the March parliamentary elections. His political party, which is often referred to as MASAF, formed an alliance with the Paydari and other ultra-hardliners against Ghalibaf, and the two sides fought a fierce battle on social media during the campaign.
In the snap presidential elections which followed the suspicious death of Ebrahim Raisi in an air crash in May, Raefipour and his followers focused their attacks on Ghalibaf again. The Speaker’s supporters retaliated with corruption and money laundering allegations against him and demanded that his party be banned.
Iran's ultra-hardliners were seen as the main losers when the establishment allowed Pezeshkian to run for president and win the election. Their leader Jalili has been silent after his loss, although observers expect the radicals to become active again if Pezeshkian's position weakens due to numerous intractable economic and other challenges.
Raefipour’s fall from favor was signaled by brigadier general Ebrahim Jabbari, a former commander of Khamenei’s security team, who strongly criticized Raefipour a few months ago for attacking top state officials including former President Ebrahim Raisi, Ghalibaf, and Chief Justice Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Ejei and implied that Khamenei was unhappy with Raefipour’s conduct.
Jabbari also accused him of refusing to publicly condemn the former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad who fell from Khamenei’s favor over a decade ago. A leaked audio file of his talk against Raefipour was widely posted on various social media platform.
As Iranian media reported, one student interrupted Pezeshkian at the beginning of his speech, protesting the lack of opportunity for students to voice their opinions. “A student doesn’t disrupt the event—let me finish my speech, and we’ll see what happens next,” Pezeshkian responded, offering to leave if the protests continued. He then asked the students to appoint a representative to speak on their behalf.
The president stepped down from the podium to listen to a student protester from the Basij, a hardline paramilitary organization. The student called for Pezeshkian to participate in a December 7 revolutionary ceremony in the university. However, moments after Pezeshkian resumed his speech, the session was disrupted again, this time by a university employee, escalating the tension.
“You, who can’t maintain order, mean we still haven’t reached the understanding to follow the rules,” Pezeshkian said to the employee, criticizing his behavior. He added, “If university staff have something to say, hold a meeting for them, and we’ll talk together.”
Two years ago, during the Woman, Life, Freedom protests, Iranian universities became hubs of unrest, with students openly protesting against the government, including Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. Pezeshkian’s speech, which was broadcast live on state television, was a reminder of the divide between the government and the student body.
Despite the mounting frustration, Pezeshkian continued his speech, stressing, "Why should we fight? Whether left or right, religious or non-religious, bring a valid argument, and we’ll accept it.”
Notably absent from Pezeshkian’s speech was any mention of the ongoing crackdown on academic freedom. In recent weeks, the government has expelled more students for participating in protests, intensifying the scrutiny on Iran’s higher education system. While Pezeshkian previously criticized such dismissals, his silence on the matter at the University of Tehran was significant.
In an indirect response to earlier calls for reinstating expelled students during Pezeshkian campaign, Mostafa Rostami, the Supreme Leader’s representative in universities, made clear that such efforts would not be tolerated. Following his remarks, two more students were officially banned from continuing their education, reinforcing the control of security bodies over universities.
The financial challenges facing Iran’s higher education sector also loomed large. Iran’s Science Minister, Hossein Simayi Sarraf, underscored the situation during the same event, stating, “The total budget for our universities and educational centers is less than the budget for a single top university in the world.” Sarraf emphasized that the education budget has halved in foreign currency terms since 2011, warning of an academic exodus as students and professors seek better opportunities abroad.
Pezeshkian, however, focused on the need for Iranian universities to generate their own income, sidestepping Sarraf’s concerns. "Abroad, universities either receive government funding or generate their own income. If we want to solve our problems, university professors must help us address societal issues,” Pezeshkian said, suggesting that Iranian universities adopt similar financial strategies.
Ali Shirazi, an Iranian affairs expert, told Iran International that Pezeshkian’s remarks revealed a divide between him and the science minister. “When the science minister talks about the budget shortage, Pezeshkian counters by saying universities, like those abroad, must generate their own income,” Shirazi explained. “He doesn’t acknowledge the vast differences between the situation in Iran and universities in other countries.”
Iran’s university crisis is compounded by controversial policies, such as admitting members of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) into Iranian universities without entrance exams. Student activists have objected, vowing to resist the militarization of academic institutions.