Ali Bagheri-Kani, Iran's former top diplomat and chief nuclear negotiator, has been appointed as the new secretary of Iran's Strategic Council on Foreign Relations (SCFR), a body that advises the Supreme Leader on foreign policy.
Bagheri-Kani, considered a protégé of hardline politician Saeed Jalili, served less than three years in the foreign ministry until the new administration of President Masoud Pezeshkian took over in August.
The SCFR, established in 2006 by order of the Supreme Leader, has all its members directly appointed by Ali Khamenei. On Saturday, Kamal Kharrazi, a senior foreign policy advisor to Khamenei and chair of the SCFR, hosted a ceremony to bid farewell to Abbas Araghchi, the outgoing secretary who left the position to become Iran's foreign minister, and welcome Bagheri-Kani as his successor.
Araghchi was also a nuclear negotiator in President Hassan Rouhani administration until August 2021, when hardliner Ebrahim Raisi assumed office and changed top foreign ministry officials.
Jalili attended Saturday’s ceremony and appeared next to Bagheri-Kani in a group photo, sparking interest due to their close association. Bagheri-Kani is widely recognized as an ally of Jalili, having followed his negotiation strategies while serving as the chief nuclear negotiator under President Raisi. However, those strategies were largely seen as unsuccessful, as they failed to result in any substantial agreements with the West.
Jalili, who lost the 2024 presidential election to Masoud Pezeshkian, has long been a staunch opponent of any compromise with the West on the nuclear issue. He remains an influential figure among Iran’s hardliners, who were critical of the previous administration under Hassan Rouhani, particularly regarding the JCPOA nuclear deal with world powers.
Although the SCFR is generally seen as a ceremonial body where Khamenei appoints former officials to keep them engaged, it still holds some influence. Kharrazi, the council's president, continues to be a key foreign policy advisor to Khamenei. Bagheri-Kani’s appointment raises concerns that Jalili’s allies might use the SCFR to exert more influence over Iran’s foreign policy.
This latest demonstration of its advancing missile technology comes as tensions with the West intensify over Tehran’s military support for Russia and its ballistic missile program.
According to Iranian news outlets, the satellite, named Chamran 1, was launched on Saturday aboard the Qaem 100 solid-fuel satellite launcher, operated by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). The satellite was reportedly placed into orbit at an altitude of 550 kilometers, marking the IRGC's second "successful" orbital mission with this launcher.
While Iran insists that the Chamran 1 is purely a "research" satellite, designed to test hardware and software systems and demonstrate in-orbit maneuvering technologies, Western officials and experts remain skeptical.
"Iran’s space program is a cover for the regime’s longer range strike capabilities and a pathway to an Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) that could be used to threaten the US homeland and the European continent," Behnam Ben Taleblu, a senior FDD fellow, told Iran International.
The West has long accused Iran of exploiting its space program to test technologies that can be repurposed for military use, specifically long-range ballistic missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads. Despite numerous UN resolutions calling for a halt to these activities, Tehran has pressed ahead, raising alarms across the globe.
Reports from the Iranian media say that Chamran 1 “weighs approximately 60 kilograms and is also tasked with secondary missions, such as testing cold-gas propulsion systems and evaluating navigation and attitude control subsystems.”
The satellite’s launch follows Iran's January 2024 launch of the Soraya satellite, also aboard the Qaem 100. That mission was met with condemnation from European nations, including Britain, France, and Germany, which are all part of the now-fractured nuclear agreement with Iran, known as the JCPOA.
In a joint statement issued earlier this year, the European Troika expressed concerns over Iran’s continued missile tests, noting that the Qaem 100 launcher relies on the same technology used in Iran’s long-range ballistic missiles.
Such launches allow Iran to test technologies that could be used to further develop its ballistic missile program, the statement said, warning that such activities pose a threat to regional and international security.
“Iran’s space program may be improving due to Russian assistance in exchange for drones and more recently missiles," says Taleblu, the author of “Arsenal: Assessing the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Ballistic Missile Program."
This latest launch comes at a critical time, as Iran’s nuclear and missile capabilities appear to be advancing in tandem. With each satellite launch, Tehran not only bolsters its space ambitions but also refines the technologies necessary for long-range missile systems. These developments, combined with Iran’s growing stockpile of enriched uranium, inch the country closer to crossing the nuclear threshold—a scenario that could destabilize the Middle East and heighten global security risks.
The IRGC’s Aerospace Force has been at the forefront of Iran’s space and missile programs. Taleblu says “Iran’s newer solid-propellant satellite launch vehicles are run entirely by the IRGC Aerospace Force - a terrorist entity with its finger on the trigger of the biggest ballistic missile arsenal in the Middle East.”
In previous statements, its commanders have boasted of placing satellites like Noor 3 into orbits as high as 450 kilometers, further showcasing Iran’s growing proficiency in space and missile technology. Yet, for all its claims of peaceful scientific progress, Iran's pursuit of dual-use technologies continues to stoke fears that its ultimate goal is far more dangerous.
The backlash was triggered by a photo displayed at a bakery entrance stating, "By order of the prosecutor, the sale of bread to foreign nationals is prohibited" and warning that violations would result in punitive actions against the business.
The directive, issued by the Prosecutor of Bardsir County in southeastern Kerman Province, restricts bread sales to "foreign nationals," a term often used in Iran to specifically refer to Afghan citizens, regardless of their legal status. The order has drawn sharp criticism from civil and political activists, as well as officials. While the directive lacked clarity on its application to Afghan migrants legally in the country, the criticism centers on the broader implications and perceived discriminatory nature of the measure.
Rasoul Mousavi, an aide to Iran's Foreign Minister, shared the photo on the X platform and condemned the directive, lamenting, "What has happened to us with this history, culture, literature, and mysticism, that we have come to this?"
Initially, Mizan News Agency, affiliated with Iran’s Judiciary, denied the accuracy of the report, suggesting the banner was misleading. However, further clarification revealed that Afghans are restricted to purchasing bread only from designated bakeries in the camps or from those offering non-subsidized bread at higher prices. A subsequent update from Mizan stated that "this decision was not a judicial one, but was approved in the Security Council of Bardsir County with the involvement of government and law enforcement officials."
The government has acknowledged that subsidized bread prices in the country have surged by 40 to 66 percent, with further increases anticipated due to the ongoing economic crisis. While some bakeries continue to offer subsidized bread, others do not, reflecting inconsistencies in the availability of price-controlled staples across the country.
Anti-Afghan sentiment has surged alongside a rapid increase in Afghan migrants, with reports suggesting that up to 10,000 Afghans are entering Iran daily, bringing the total Afghan population close to 10 million. This growing hostility is fueled by the severe economic hardships faced by many Iranians, who view the influx as exacerbating competition for scarce resources and jobs. Activists and politicians warn that this mounting resentment could escalate into violence against migrants and pose a significant security risk for the country.
Experts contend that misguided, hasty, and poorly conceived policies in managing the unregulated presence of migrants—lacking proper oversight and follow-up—have significantly contributed to the current surge in antipathy toward Afghans across the country.
Social media and state-controlled outlets have seen debates and protests, with some alleging that the government has allowed unchecked migration for ulterior motives, including bolstering military ranks with Afghan recruits, particularly through the Afghan Hazara Fatemiyoun Brigade linked to the IRGC.
Critics argue that under former President Ebrahim Raisi, incentives like subsidized energy and food were offered to increase the Afghan population as a countermeasure to Iran's declining population. However, facing economic struggles, Iran appears to be shifting this strategy.
On Tuesday, Ahmadreza Radan, the Commander-in-Chief of Iran's Law Enforcement, announced plans to expel nearly two million unauthorized foreign nationals by the end of March. Additionally, in May, authorities announced the establishment of a "special patrol" in Shahr-e Rey, south of Tehran, tasked with identifying and apprehending undocumented foreign nationals. This is while, according to domestic media, more than 90% of those forcibly deported eventually return, primarily benefiting human traffickers.
In an audio message to Iran International, Amjad Amini, Mahsa Amini's father, expressed his family's wish to hold a memorial service. He noted that he has received countless messages and calls from the public about organizing a commemoration for Mahsa, emphasizing that "everyone wants" to gather at her gravesite.
Meanwhile, pressure on political and civil activists is intensifying ahead of the second anniversary of the Iranian revolutionary uprising.
Mahsa Jina Amini was arrested by the so-called morality police on September 13, 2022 over the state’s mandatory hijab law. Amini was beaten while in their custody and later succumbed to her injuries three days later at Kasra Hospital in Tehran.
Following her death, protests initially erupted in Tehran and quickly spread to various other parts of Iran – quickly dubbed the "Women, Life, Freedom" movement.
It’s estimated, by several human rights organizations, that during the nationwide months-long protests, at least 551 protesters, including 68 children and 49 women, were killed by the state’s security forces.
In recent days, as the second anniversary of the Iranian uprising approaches, the Islamic Republic's security agencies have intensified their crackdown on political, labor, and civil activists. This latest wave of repression and arrests has been particularly severe in Kurdistan, Mahsa Amini's home province, more so than in other parts of Iran.
On September 13, the Coordinating Council of the Iranian Teachers' Trade Associations reported that 14 labor activists from the teachers' union in Kurdistan had been summoned to the Public and Revolutionary Prosecutor's Office in Sanandaj and other security agencies in the city.
Two years on, no changes on women’s rights
Two years since the movement began, analysts have pointed out that there have been no positive changes in the government's approach and behavior towards women and dissent.
The Islamic Republic persists in enforcing its strict policies on hijab and social conduct and, in some instances, has intensified these restrictions and pressures. The state has also moved to tighten mandatory hijab laws, increase surveillance on dissent, and more harshly crack down on those who oppose these regulations.
In a piece for Iran International’s Persian site, political activist Mahdieh Golroo argues that the Mahsa Zhina movement has sparked significant change in Iranian society, greatly raising public awareness of women's rights and motivating many to challenge the status quo. People who previously paid little attention to these issues are now more engaged with human rights, indicating a shift in public consciousness that promises deeper effects over time.
Golroo points out that, over the past two years, Iranian women have persisted in their resistance through social media and civil actions. While the movement hasn't yet led to immediate changes in government policy, it has intensified societal pressure and brought the issue of discrimination to the forefront of public debate.
Strikes and rallies planned inside Iran and abroad
On the eve of the second anniversary of the nationwide uprising, the Kurdistan Committee of the Worker-Communist Party of Iran issued a call for a nationwide strike on Sunday, September 15.
In a similar vein, nine labor and civil organizations within Iran issued a joint statement on the second anniversary of the "Women, Life, Freedom" movement, underscoring that "the inevitable confrontation between the majority of the people and the government has been ongoing for years due to worsening living conditions." The statement went on to declare, "We know there is no choice but to continue the 'Women, Life, Freedom' revolution."
Iranians abroad are also set to gather at various locations worldwide in the coming days to honor the memory of those killed by state security forces during the Mahsa movement.
Shirin Shams, a representative of the Women’s Revolution Organization, told Iran International, "Despite employing organized repression, the Islamic Republic cannot stop the progress of the 'Women, Life, Freedom' revolution." She further highlighted that over the past two years, women, students, schoolchildren, workers, teachers, nurses, retirees, LGBTQ+ individuals, and the broader public in Iran have united in their continued struggle against the Islamic Republic.
On September 11, Amnesty International released a report on the second anniversary of the "Women, Life, Freedom" uprising, emphasizing that officials of the Islamic Republic and those responsible for crimes against the people have systematically escaped punishment.
Diana Eltahawy, a senior official at Amnesty International, called for other countries to launch criminal investigations into the Iranian government's actions during the 2022 protests.
In March 2024, the UN Fact-Finding Committee, in its first report on the Mahsa movement, concluded that the violent crackdown on these protests and the widespread, systemic discrimination against women and girls had led to severe human rights violations in Iran, with many acts of repression constituting "crimes against humanity."