Iran’s elusive quest for Russian investments

This report meticulously documents atrocities committed by the Iran’s Islamic government over the past four decades, underscoring that these heinous acts are not forgotten and that there remains a persistent and determined pursuit of justice and accountability for the victims and their families.

Rehman's report serves as a historical record and a critical call to action for the international community. It urges global actors to support mechanisms that ensure accountability and prevent further human rights violations.

By highlighting the systematic nature of these abuses and the enduring struggle for justice, the report emphasizes the need for sustained international pressure and support for Iranian human rights defenders. Importantly, the report underscores the necessity of involving survivors and witnesses in justice. Rehman points out the Iranian government's concerted efforts to destroy evidence, such as mass graves, and suppress the truth. Despite these challenges, the resilience of victims' families and human rights activists has ensured that these atrocities remain in the public consciousness.

The report highlights the systematic human rights violations and atrocities committed by the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) since the 1980s, including the infamous 1988 massacre of political prisoners. Rehman's detailed analysis points out that thousands of political prisoners were executed without fair trials, a dark chapter in Iran's history that has yet to see justice. The enduring suffering of the victims' families, who have been denied the truth about their loved ones' fates, is a stark reminder of Tehran’s ongoing repression.

Had the international community addressed these atrocities when they occurred, subsequent human rights violations by the IRI might have been mitigated, the report emphasizes. The regime's impunity has only emboldened it to continue its repressive tactics. By documenting these historical abuses and connecting them to contemporary issues, Rehman provides a comprehensive overview of the IRI's long-standing patterns of human rights violations.

The success of Rehman's report results from years of dedicated activism and meticulous fact-gathering by human rights organizations and activists. These organizations have played crucial roles in documenting abuses, collecting testimonies, and advocating for justice. Their relentless efforts have laid the groundwork for Rehman to present a compelling case for crimes against humanity and genocide committed by the IRI.

Among these pivotal organizations, the Rastyad Collective stands out for its groundbreaking research and meticulous documentation of human rights abuses in Iran. Their comprehensive study on the 1981 massacre in post-revolutionary Iran has unveiled the systematic nature of state violence and its enduring impact on the nation's legal foundations. The Rastyad Collective's anonymous researchers have bravely gathered evidence on the ground, often at great personal risk, documenting over 3,500 executions across 85 cities. Their work sheds light on the tragic fate of many, including the execution of 103 children. It confirms that the 1981 massacre occurred within a legal vacuum, with the state resorting to extra-legal means of violence to assert control.

By meticulously examining the events surrounding the massacre, the Rastyad Collective has highlighted how these egregious acts of state violence were used to instill fear and consolidate power. Their research has been crucial in understanding the development of Iran's theocratic regime and its legal framework, revealing how the 1981 atrocities have shaped the ongoing human rights landscape in Iran.

Javaid Rehman's July 2024 report is a testament to the power of persistent activism and the critical role of comprehensive, evidence-based reporting in the fight for human rights. It represents a significant victory for those who have long sought justice for the victims of the IRI's atrocities. The report not only brings to light the historical abuses but also highlights the ongoing struggle for accountability in Iran.

The international community must heed Rehman's call to action. By supporting efforts to hold the Iran’s Islamic government accountable, the global community can help ensure that the victims and their families receive the justice they deserve. The report serves as a powerful reminder that the fight for human rights is ongoing, and that the pursuit of justice must continue unabated. Activists from other countries should emulate the Iranian model, continuing to document the crimes of their brutal regimes and never losing sight of hope.

Speaking at the US Congress on Wednesday, the Israeli Prime Minister called for the creation of a regional anti-Iran alliance in the Middle East, which he termed the ‘Abraham Alliance.’ He envisions this alliance as an extension of the ‘Abraham Accords.’

The groundbreaking accords normalized diplomatic relations with Israel and various Arab states, including the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco during the Trump administration.

Netanyahu’s proposed pact to “counter the growing Iranian threat” comes on the heels of Secretary of State Antony Blinken warning that Iran’s ‘one or two weeks’ away from producing enough fissile material to manufacture a nuclear weapon.

On this week’s episode of ‘Eye for Iran’, Alex Selsky with the Middle East Forum, a conservative think- tank, said the idea of the 'Abraham Alliance’ would come as welcome news to Israel’s Muslim neighbors despite the war against Hamas and the destruction in Gaza.

“I think it's necessary. I think it depends on the United States…If our Arab friends and neighbors see that America gives the necessary backup, they will join,” said Selsky, who previously advised the Israeli Prime Minister.

But when it comes to the war of public relations, how is Israel fairing? And can Israel push its anti-Iran government rhetoric with the backdrop of the war against Hamas.

This week’s episode also speaks to an Iranian American human rights advocate on President Joe Biden’s legacy on Iran after he made the historic decision to drop out of the US presidential election.

Sarah Raviani, a visiting fellow at the National Union for Democracy in Iran (NUFDI), said Biden will be remembered for appeasing the Iranian government.

“We saw the disastrous $6 billion ransom deal, which received a lot of backlash from our community. And I urge everyone to remember that these are all decisions that were made not only by President Biden, but with his vice president Kamala Harris,” said Raviani referring to release of five detained Americans in Tehran and an unknown number of Iranians imprisoned in the US after billions of dollars in frozen Iranian assets were transferred from banks in South Korea to Qatar.

Raviani said the Biden-Harris administration would “say all the right things” but wouldn’t implement practical action.

She revealed her own personal insight as an activist pushing to influence US policy towards Iran like the work she did with NUFDI and other advocates to push through the MAHSA Act, a bill that strengthens US sanction against Iran’s rulers.

The MAHSA Act is bipartisan piece of human rights and anti-terrorism legislation that was named after Mahsa Amini, a 22-year-old Iranian-Kurdish woman who died while under police custody.

But just how do Iranian-Americans feel about Vice President Kamala Harris? Find out more with this week's episode of 'Eye for Iran.'

You can watch the entire episode on Iran International's YouTubePage or listen to it on Spotify, Apple or Amazon.

Newspapers and their affiliated politicians, as well as social media users are engaging in all sorts of speculation, many of which are quickly refuted by members of President-elect Masoud Pezeshkian's inner circle.

Expectations are often expressed as wishful thinking. As Pezeshkian himself has noted, some politicians try to promote themselves for desired posts by spreading rumors about their imminent appointment.

Some, like Ettela'at Newspaper Managing Editor Abbas Salehi Amiri have opted out of the vetting committees set up by former Foreign Minister Javad Zarif. Salehi, whose name came up in the media as one of those the committees have chosen for the post of Culture Minister, told reporters that he will not accept the position.

The newspaper, one of the biggest media organizations operating under the aegis of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's office, publishes a daily newspaper and a dozen popular magazines. It owns one of the country's biggest printing houses which has an enviable annual turnover. The newspaper also has a publishing house as well as several bookstores in Iran. It is far bigger than many of the government ministries.

On the other hand, although he has held government posts before, Salehi Amiri is a moderate politician weary of the utterly aggressive political landscape in Iran.

Hossein Marashi, the Secretary General of centrist Executives of Construction Party that supported Pezeshkian during the election was rumored to be the next Vice President. However, he denied the reports. He said he has told Pezeshkian that Khamenei is a lonely person nowadays and he needs the country's biggest and most senior experts to serve in the government.

Another politician rumored to be the next vice president is former Majles Speaker Ali Larijani. While many politicians and members of the public have welcomed this rumor, some have expressed concerns that Larijani, being a far more prominent political figure than Pezeshkian, might overshadow the President and affect his performance.

Some Iranian politicians still believe that despite his disqualification by the Guardian Council for the latest and previous presidential elections, Larijani is still one of the closest Iranian politicians to Khamenei who trusts his loyalty and devotion.

Other media outlets in Iran have said with a degree of certainty that Larijani is going to be the next Secretary of Iran's Supreme Council of National Security. However, it would sound a bit strange if Larijani, a very proud politician, accepts to go back to a post he used to hold many years ago under President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

Meanwhile, former Culture Minister Ali Jannati who believes all the cabinet ministers and vice presidents will come from the moderate part of the Iranian political landscape, has reiterated that former Minister of Economy Ali Tayyebnia and former foreign minister Zarif will most certainly be in Pezeshkian's cabinet. Jannati and others have said that Larijani is ideal for the post of Senior Vice President and Tayyebnia is fit for the post of Vice President for Economic Affairs.

Several politicians including former Deputy Foreign Ministers Abbas Araqchi and Seyyed Mohammad Sadr as well as former Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi are said to have been nominated for the post of Foreign Minister.

Zarif and former ITC Minister Mohammad Javad Azari Jahromi who have said they will not be in the new cabinet, are still mentioned as possible members of the cabinet despite harsh attacks by their political rivals in the ultraconservative Paydari Party who branded them as “Pat and Mat”, the sloppy characters of a Czech cartoon aired on the Iranian state TV.

Azari Jahromi, one of Iran's youngest former cabinet ministers and a former director general at the Ministry of Intelligence, has said that he doesn't mind others calling him Pat or Mat, adding that if Pezeshkian seeks his help, he will be there for him.

Rumors will soon end as Pezeshkian names his ministers and vice presidents, but conflicts and controversies over the appointments he makes are likely to continue for a long time.

Since he won Iran’s presidential election earlier this month, Pezeshkian has been closely watched for hints of a potential ‘change’, domestically and toward the West. His latest words may have killed any such hope even before he names his cabinet.

“We do have the broad policies coming from His Greatness the Leader. I did say in our [presidential] debates that those policies are the guiding light of our path and define our goal,” Pezeshkian said in an exclusive interview with the website of the Supreme Leader’s office.

Despite widespread anticipation in Iran and abroad to see hints of any foreign policy changes, the new president did not touch the subject in the interview, which took place a few days before Pezeshkian’s inauguration, and was his first exposure to the media - if the website can be called a media outlet - since winning the vote.

Pezeshkian’s office canceled a customary press conference immediately after his victory, because he went to meet Khamenei. Amid a wave of speculations over his plans and appointments, he refrained from holding a press conference for three weeks.

Pezeshkian confirmed in his interview that he would name his cabinet only after consulting with Khamenei and obtaining his approval. Political and security profiles, including the intelligence and foreign ministers, are known to be picked by the Supreme Leader.

However, Pezeshkian seems to have taken it one step further, suggesting that he would take to Khamenei his long-list of “4-5 candidates for each post” and make the final decision accordingly.

Beyond the “broad policies” set by the Supreme Leader, Pezeshkian seems to have little to offer at this stage. Responding to a question about the economy, he said he had “no immediate solution” and had to consult the experts. “What is urgent right now is to get rid of the [political] disagreements.”

Pezehskian did hint at a gasoline price hike, a uniquely sensitive issue to millions of Iranians that caused widespread unrest in 2019, during which 1,500 citizens were killed, according to unofficial reports.

“We have an energy imbalance in the country. We’re spending $8 billion to buy gasoline [annually],” Pezeshkian said in his interview published on Khamenei’s website. “This means we are buying gasoline at around 30,000 or 40,000 tomans [50-70 US cents] per liter, and then selling it for 1,500 tomans [2 cents] per liter. How long can we continue doing this?”

Despite having one of the world’s biggest oil reserves, Iran has had to import gasoline to compensate for the soaring demand and stagnant production in the country’s aging refineries.

Any hike in gas price would be hugely unpopular and could lead to yet another round of protests in Iran, which leaves Pezeshkian in an unenviable position. The last hike also came under a ‘moderate’ administration – that of Hassan Rouhani.

Economic experts assert that the multi-rate currency system, with the government offering cheaper dollars to some importers, has primarily benefited a small group of merchants (rentiers) with political connections, fostering massive corruption.

Iran's currency that has steadily declined since the overthrow of monarchy in 1979, has experienced sharp falls since 2018 when the United States withdrew from the JCPOA nuclear deal and imposed oil export sanctions. The government, trying to prevent massive price hikes for imports, decided to offer cheap dollars to importers, indirectly subsidizing food, medicines and animal feed. However, influential insiders took advantage of the cheaper currency system to line their pockets with fake imports and still high prices for consumers.

These rates include the ‘preferential rate’ provided to importers by the government for food and medicine, cheaper than in the NIMA rate system whereby exporters must transfer their earned currency to importers. Then there is open market currency rate, which everyone can use to buy and sell foreign currencies at much higher rates. This is regulated by supply and demand, although the government tries to impact rates by periodically releasing dollars to banks and official exchanges.

Pezeshkian and his economic team led by Ali Tayyebnia, a prominent economist and former economy minister under President Hassan Rouhani, have vowed to eliminate the various rates to prevent corruption and stop the government’s extensive manipulation of the currency market.

Conservative politician and economist Ahmad Tavakkoli in an interview published Sunday, insisted that eliminating different currency rates is a “deadly advice” by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that the governments of Hassan Rouhani and Ebrahim Raisi tried to implement. The outcome, he said, has only been further devaluation of the national currency and higher inflation.

“[Tayyebnia] must first explain who will determine the single rate, the government or the market? What rate will the government use to sell the currency [from oil exports)? The market rate?” he asked.

Already, some estimates say that one-third of the population has fallen below the 'poverty line' with annual inflation around 40% since 2019. If the government stops offering cheaper currency - or its indirect subsidies - food prices will soar, leading to dangerous instability.

Tavakkoli argued that allowing exchange rates to be decided by the market will not reduce demand for currency as personal investment or for exodus of capital. Open market rates will continue to grow and cause higher inflation and instability in the economy, and the government will eventually have to revert to two rates to avoid the ensuing destabilizing effect.

In a letter addressed to Pezeshkian, Farshad Momeni and Hossein Raghfar, two other prominent economists, similarly warned the new government about the consequences of plans that would “shock” the economy and put more pressure on the livelihood of the lower-income Iranians.

Momeni and Raghfar insisted that the new government must instead reduce its own unnecessary expenditures and avoid policies that could entail higher inflation, unemployment, and a higher income gap or encourage profiteering and corruption.

However, few experts or commentators dare to openly say that Iran's anti-West foreign policy, regional adventurism and nuclear program, resulting in sanctions, are key reasons why inflation is crippling the economy. A high degree of government ownership of businesses, top-down management of the economy that breed inefficiency and corruption, are also detrimental factors.

Pezeshkian has repeatedly vowed to end the government’s extensive intervention in the economy including strict price controls on various products that range from food and fuel to domestically produced cars and construction material, and to allow the “real private sector” and the government's ownership of most major companies.

He also insists that the eight percent economic growth prescribed by the country’s development plan is not achievable without foreign investment and has promised to try to solve the problem of paralyzing sanctions through engagement with the West and accession to the conventions of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF).

In a statement last week, Pezeshkian said the removal of sanctions would be a lengthy process and listed some of the most urgent economic tasks that need to be addressed in the first two years of his presidency.

Improvement of the economy and the lives of ordinary Iranians before sanctions are lifted is only feasible if the “wastage” of energy and foreign currency resources is reduced, the statement said.

The statement said the government’s direct and indirect ownership of big companies and lack of economic transparency and discipline were two areas that require urgent attention.