Khamenei defends 2020 bill blocking JCPOA revival, encourages bypassing sanctions

The Sunday attack follows Israel’s first direct hit on Yemen at the weekend targeting Hodeida Port, killing six and wounding around 87 others in retaliation for a drone attack from Yemen on a residential building in Tel Aviv that killed one man and wounded multiple other people.

The attack on Israel’s central city in the early hours of Friday morning has sparked an investigation as to how the Yemeni militia infiltrated Israel’s air defence systems with no alarms sounded to warn residents to go to shelters.

Onn Fennig, CEO of R2, an Israeli anti-drone manufacturer which is training international militaries such as the British armed forces in anti-drone warfare, said: “Nobody in this field thinks it was identified on the day. These systems are extremely hard to detect, for many reasons."

The drone which made the hit in Israel’s second city was able to fly more than 2,600 kilometers, according to the Israeli Air Force, without being detected, meaning air defence systems from allies on its indirect route across the region, including the UK, US and Egypt, also did not detect the breach.

Fanning said: “The IDF said it was identified and misclassified but what does that mean that all our allies misclassified it?”

This specific occasion raises many questions about the Israeli Air Force’s ability to detect such threats. “I think the IDF has a lot of answers to give as does the Ministry of Defence to Israeli citizens,” he said.

This kind of drone is “extremely hard to find," he admitted, speaking to Iran International. “They’re flying very low, below radar mostly, they’re using the terrain to hide from radars and other detection sensors, and in many cases they have low radar signatures, so it’s hard for radars to catch them,” he explained.

Often made out of plastic or carbon composites, they have a low radar signature, legacy radars designed to detect metallic objects. “Once you make these drones out of plastic or composite materials, radars aren’t suitable and so you need other techs to detect it,” he added, the solution a blend of multiple systems working together such as radars, cameras and acoustic centers like Ukraine is using now against Iranian drones in Russia.

Another factor which makes these drones able to evade detection is the smaller numbers. “If there were more, the radars might detect them but one or two, the legacy systems won’t be able to detect it,” he said.

It comes in contrast to the April barrage of Israel when around 350 drones, rockets and missiles were sent by Iran, intercepted by Israel and a US-led coalition.

Drones are flying over Israel three to five times a day as the Jewish state fights Iran’s proxies across its borders, including the north where they are fighting Lebanon’s Hezbollah terror group.

An investigation by the Israeli Air Force announced Sunday that the IAF was at the time of the infiltration already in combat with an Iran-backed drone from Iraq.

The number of spotters has now been doubled as the implications of the threat reverberate as far as Washington.

The IAF said the Iranian made drone took a circuitous route across countries including Eritrea and Sudan, taking 16 hours to reach its target.

It tracked the drone for six minutes while it approached Tel Aviv from the sea, the IAF said Sunday.

“Anyone can make a drone at home for less than $1,000”, Fennig said. “Warfare is changing and the balance between the strong and the weak is changing on its head. It’s not economically viable to shoot down $1,000 quad copter with a $700,000 missile. Those from Yemen and Iran can be more, as much as $30,000, but the imbalance is still there.”

Intelligence analyst, Ronen Solomon, a research consultant for over a decade for Israel’s Ministry of Defence, told Iran International that if there was an error spotting the UAV, it could have been that they had taken parts from a Western, or non-enemy plane, and put it on the UAV.

“For a controller looking at a flight coming from the sea or Egypt to Tel Aviv with western identification, they would hesitate to interrupt it,” he said. “Maybe this is the case when the air force said it was human error and it didn’t think it was a suicide UAV.”

He said that in those early hours of Friday morning when the drone struck an apartment building in central Tel Aviv, there are many long distance flights on the same route as the suicide drone which is believed to have been headed for the US embassy on Israel’s coastline.

“I am now assuming it was traveling through civilian air traffic and maybe flying next to other planes which were also landing at Ben Gurion so if they saw it near an airplane, maybe they would be afraid of doing what happened in Tehran,” Solomon said, referring to the Ukrainian airliner downed by the IRGC killing all 176 people on board.

However, another possibility is that Israel simply did not see the UAV. “If it was flying near a civilian plane, maybe they didn’t see it, and maybe they saw it too late,” he said as the investigation continues.

The Houthis began a Red Sea maritime blockade in November, affecting one of the world’s major trade routes. Multiple seamen have been killed and dozens taken hostage in the siege which began targeting Israeli linked vessels but has expanded to international shipping.

Since Iran’s Supreme Leader gave orders for the blockade in November, “hundreds of ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and drones” have been launched against Israel from the Iran-backed Yemeni militia, with one landing in an area outside Israel’s southern port town of Eilat, according to Israel’s Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu.

The Yemeni port struck on Saturday has been used to smuggle weapons from Iran, Netanyahu said, with the airstrike targeting fuel depots and energy-related sites in a bid to cripple the militia’s economic resources.

However, after a weekend of tit-for-tat strikes, the crisis, sparked by Israel’s war against Iran-backed Hamas in Gaza, is spiralling.

The IRGC’s Sepah Media said Iran’s IRGC has given official approval for retaliatory strikes since the weekend attack with a banner now in Tehran’s Palestine Square warning that Friday’s explosion was only a “test” with a “swarm” of drones headed for Israel’s central city, warning residents to “run now”.

In defiant terms, Israel’s defence minister, Yoav Gallant, said Israel’s response will continue to be firm. “The blood of Israeli citizens has a price. This has been made clear in Lebanon, in Gaza, in Yemen, and in other places - if they will dare to attack us, the result will be identical.”

The fear now is that if a Houthi drone can enter Israeli air space, that it can either crash drones into planes or even the airport, says Solomon.

“The Houthis have attacked ships using air and sea tracking real time applications and what’s worrying now is that if they can fly near a plane, they can attack a plane en route to the airport,” he said.

Netanyahu has been vocal about Iran’s responsibility for the ongoing attacks from Yemen and the Islamic Republic’s proxies in the region.

“The drone attack that struck Israel in the early morning hours yesterday shows that more than defensive action is needed to curtail the Houthis. Offensive action is also needed. It’s needed to ensure that Iran's terror proxies pay a price for their brazen aggression,” he said.

Speaking of the maritime blockade, which has seen a more than 20-nation coalition formed and led by the US, to repel the Houthi attacks, Netanyahu added: “The international community must redouble its efforts to protect this vital waterway and to hold both the Houthis and their Iranian sponsors accountable for their aggression.”

He said Israel is being attacked by Iran and its proxies on seven fronts, the Houthis in Yemen, Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Shiite militias in Iraq and in Syria, Iran backed terror attacks in the West Bank and the direct attack from Iran on April 14.

The inaugural assault saw hundreds of projectiles sent towards Israel, retaliation for an alleged Israeli strike on the Iranian consulate in Damascus. Most of the assault was intercepted by Israel and a US-led coalition.

“In defending ourselves against this Iranian terror axis, Israel stands on the front lines against a regime that threatens the entire Middle East, that threatens the entire world,” added Netanyahu.

“All those who seek to harm us will pay a very heavy price for their aggression,” he warned as the war of words escalates deeper.

The operations, flourishing on social media, reveal the deep socio-economic and moral contradictions of the Islamic Republic. In a country where public morality is dictated by Islamic principles, the seeming rise of massage services on social media platforms like Instagram already presents a striking paradox.

And, while many of these pages appear to advertise therapeutic services, a closer examination by Iran International uncovers a different reality: a covert network of prostitution operating under the guise of massage therapy.

One such page is run by a woman claiming to hold a degree in physiology from Tehran University and an international certificate from Malaysia in massage therapy. Her profile reads, “I am a massage therapist and provide massage services for men and women in Tehran.”

Iran International cannot independently verify the authenticity of the pages or their content. Additionally, some videos appear to feature masseuses from other countries.

The services advertised include home visits, foot massages, hot stone massages, and Thai massage, accompanied by photos of a salon purportedly located in northern Tehran. Videos of young women massaging men are also posted, allowing clients to select their preferred masseuse.

One of the pages' links to a Telegram channel reveals a different side of the services.

There, the services listed go far beyond traditional massage therapy, encompassing threesomes, lesbian encounters, group sex, and sex with "shemales". The prices ranged from: 21 million rials (approximately $36) for a 90-minute massage, 47 million rials ($81) for a massage plus sex, 62 million rials ($107) for an overnight session, and 130 million rials ($224) for a 24-hour session.

Prostitution is illegal in Iran, with severe penalties for those caught participating in or facilitating it.

Adultery, sex between unmarried people, and homosexuality can result in imprisonment, flogging, and, in some cases, the death penalty.

Despite the Islamic Republic's punitive laws, the underground sex trade persists, according to observers and experts, fueled by factors such as poverty, unemployment, drug addiction, and lack of education. Economic hardship in the country has also been cited as a contributing factor, rendering Iranian women vulnerable to exploitation and coercion into prostitution.

When Iran International contacted the page administrator of the aforementioned Telegram page for more information, an individual promptly responded with a pre-prepared list detailing the rules and payment methods.

That individual stated that half of the fee is paid in advance, with the remaining half paid after the service. The advance payment was to be made to a bank account under a different name, raising questions about the legitimacy of the operation.

Whether fraudulent or genuine, the pages paint a disturbing picture of life under the Islamic Republic: Individuals are either exploiting Iran's illegal prostitution trade to deceive and extort money from young people with impunity -- or, young women in their 20s and 30s are engaging in prostitution for less than $50.

Further investigation by Iran International revealed numerous similar pages operated by Iranian administrators.

Some pages only vaguely hint at sexual services through suggestive photos, while others openly advertise prostitution. Prices on these pages varied from $35 to $250, depending on the duration and specifics of the service.

Due to the sensitive nature of the content and for the safety of the individuals reportedly depicted, Iran International has refrained from using the names listed on the pages.

A, aged 24, appears in an advertisement offering sexual services, accompanied by a health certificate and proof of COVID vaccination to seemingly reassure clients of no risk of sexually transmitted diseases. Charging approximately $225 per day, she offers to accompany clients on trips, with photos ranging from casual attire to partially nude poses.

Another woman, M, has posted blurred videos depicting oral sex. Her photos showcase herself posing on beaches, in studios, and at gyms, displaying her physique in an apparent bid to attract potential clients.

R, aged 27, is presented as available for international travel upon request from clients.

Another woman, E, aged 25, is featured in a promotional video blowing a kiss and winking from a swimming pool setting.

When it comes to enforcing Iran's prostitution laws, the Iranian government exhibits selectivity and inconsistency. Authorities frequently turn a blind eye or focus on high-profile crackdowns, with their actions widely believed to be steered by corruption and bribery.

While the public perception of prostitution remains predominantly negative, reflecting conservative religious values, there is an acknowledgment of the socio-economic factors contributing to its existence.

Efforts to combat prostitution in Iran are further hindered by both legal and cultural constraints. Although there are some initiatives aimed at supporting and rehabilitating sex workers, NGOs and activists encounter significant challenges, including government restrictions and societal stigma.

Experts have often lamented that effectively addressing prostitution in Iran necessitates identifying and targeting its root causes, which include poverty and limited opportunities, in addition to initiatives focused on raising awareness and providing education, vocational training, and healthcare services.

While the government rigorously enforces moral codes such as mandatory hijab, prostitution persists, exploiting vulnerable women right under its nose.

The parallels between the crime he narrated in the last episode of his podcast “The Last Witness” and the actual events have left fans and followers in disbelief.

Canadian State Police reported the discovery of a mutilated body of an Iranian woman in a suitcase in the city of St. John, Newfoundland on Friday. The woman's identity was not disclosed, but the primary suspect, believed to be her husband, was later identified by social media users. For legal reasons, Iran International refrains from publishing names of the people involved in the case. According to social media posts, the murder suspect was known for his podcasts and is a PhD student in informatics in Canada.

Canadian news websites reported that before the woman's body was discovered, her husband's lifeless body was found at his home in downtown St. John on July 15. Preliminary assessments suggest that the 34-year-old man committed suicide. A day later, on the evening of July 16, a citizen found a suitcase containing the remains of a woman and contacted the police.

James Cadigan of the Newfoundland Police Department described the death of the woman as a homicide.

"The deceased is a 33-year-old woman who was found in the area of Water Street near Springdale Street in the suitcase," Cadigan told Global News.

Reports indicate that the murder suspect had been living in Newfoundland for several years for educational purposes, while the victim had arrived in the province in mid-May this year.

Cadigan mentioned that there were no prior records or cases involving this couple with the regional police. The state police are also creating a timeline of events and reviewing area surveillance footage from July 10 to 16. They have requested anyone with information to contact them.

The police released an image of a man pulling a suitcase, hoping to obtain public information about the suspect's activities before his suicide.

"It was important that we provided a visual of the suitcase and the individual because we believe that he traveled throughout the downtown area of Saint John’s," Cadigan said.

The officer believes the suspect was traveling on foot for a period of time as he walked through some residential areas towards Water Street.

In 2021, Canada had 213,160 residents who were born in Iran, with 70,395 of them having immigrated since 2011.

An unidentified group of worshippers at Imam Khomeini Mosalla can be seen in a viral video chanting against former Foreign Minister Zarif, telling him to "get lost." Zarif heads the Pezeshkian administration's Strategic Council for Transition, which was formed to search for and propose ministerial candidates.

Numerous politicians and pundits, mainly but not limited to reform faction, swiftly rallied to Zarif's defense on social media, with some even suggesting that “Mossad” orchestrated the criticism against him.

Abdolreza Davari, a former aide to President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, called on the country's security agencies to review the video to identify and arrest the instigators. He asserted, "There should be no doubt that the scene of insulting Javad Zarif is a Mossad plan."

A prominent reformist political analyst, Abbas Abdi, remarked, "The chanting against Zarif during Friday prayers demonstrates their utter inability to tolerate any loss of privilege. Moreover, they show no respect for the sanctity of Friday prayers, misusing and destroying religious and public resources for their misguided objectives."

The X account of Pezeshkian's election campaign, now rebranded as "Iran News," condemned the actions depicted in the video as "the insults and abuses of a negligible minority." The account further questioned the origins of these “planned actions,” asking, "Where are these directives coming from?"

The apparent campaign against Pezeshkian grew even more severe on Saturday, as several hardline papers, including Kayhan—financed by the office of Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei—began assailing the new president for surrounding himself with "corrupt political thugs."

"The rightful place for those convicted of security offenses and the instigators of sedition, corruption, and destruction is in the courtroom, not on the council responsible for selecting the cabinet," Kayhan wrote, apparently referring to former officials who served under President Hassan Rouhani.

Supporters of Pezeshkian assert that the Strategic Council, with Zarif at its helm, demonstrates his commitment to his campaign pledge of leveraging expert advice to tackle pressing issues.

However, hardliners contend that Pezeshkian remains largely inactive, encircled by what they derisively term "incompetents."

Amidst the turmoil, Pezeshkian's supporters raise a pertinent question: Where do these directives originate? More precisely, what is their true source if these actions are indeed orchestrated rather than spontaneous?

The potential answers become intricate in light of last week's Reuters report, which stated, "Khamenei decided to plan a carefully orchestrated election, setting the stage for a little-known but trusted moderate, Massoud Pezeshkian, to rise to the presidency."

Reuters reported that the "engineered" election was driven by Khamenei's belief that Iran needed "a president who could appeal to different layers of society but would not challenge the ruling Shi'ite theocracy."

This implies that Khamenei may be seeking to avoid repeating the mistake of hastily endorsing Ahmadinejad's ascent to the presidency. Some analysts posit that Ahmadinejad's win in 2005 was primarily attributable to Khamenei's endorsement and that his approval legitimized Ahmadinejad’s highly contested reelection in 2009.

However, Ahmadinejad ultimately rebelled against Khamenei, leading to his subsequent isolation within the political arena.

When Kayhan, often regarded as Khamenei’s mouthpiece, fervently criticizes Pezeshkian, it may be a calculated effort to ensure his continued obedience—a trait he has consistently demonstrated thus far.

Another underlying reason for the criticisms is that hardliners, despite not securing the presidency, are eager to gain positions within Pezeshkian's cabinet—a prospect that appears unlikely if Zarif remains the one selecting the appointees.

Kayhan has explicitly issued a warning, stating, "Given that the elected president often references Quranic verses, I suggest he retain some members of Martyr Ebrahim Raisi's cabinet, who have made significant contributions and established a strong foundation for the country's progress, to prevent any disruptions in the government's ongoing affairs."

The hardliners hold a majority in parliament, so Pezeshkian cabinet selections must secure their approval. These lawmakers have made it clear they will obstruct the process if their demands are not met.

This situation underscores the rationale of some who boycotted the elections, arguing that even with a reform-leaning candidate, substantive change remains impossible within this system.

However, despite the people's and businesses' priority of addressing economic problems, Iranian economist Morteza Afqah from the University of Ahvaz says no significant economic breakthrough is expected in the near future. Afqah warned that opponents of the new government might obstruct economic developments, hoping that the "bitter experience" of hardliners blocking economic reforms under reformist President Mohammad Khatami (1997-2005) will not recur during Pezeshkian's administration.

Speaking to Fararu website in Tehran, Afqah emphasized that while the focus is on the new government's cabinet choices, it's equally important to carefully select local provincial officials, as a significant part of national production occurs in the provinces. He added that a competent executive team could activate unused potentials and solve 20 to 30 percent of the country's economic problems.

Afqah criticized the Raisi administration for having one of Iran's worst economic teams, describing the "difficult situation" as a combination of severe sanctions and a lack of financial resources, with very little hard currency in the foreign currency reserve fund.

This situation persists, and the nation's hope lies in Pezeshkian's potential to initiate a new round of talks with the United States to lift some sanctions. Afqah noted that developments in the United States could also impact Iran's markets. Iran’s political establishment fears the return of Donald trump, expecting tougher sanctions and more isolation.

Another Iranian website, Rouydad24 pointed out that as the likelihood of Donald Trump's election as the next US President increases, the it gives rise to expectations about higher inflation in Iran. However, the website's writer Amir Hossein Jafari opined that only a moderate president in Iran can tackle this challenge. Jafari added that many in Iran believe that Trump is man who can make a deal that would lead to a reduction in Iran’s inflation rate and reduction of the sanctions against Iran.

Trump has stated in recent years that he could make a deal with Iran. However, it is doubtful that Iranian officials, particularly Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, would overlook their pronounced enmity towards Trump after he ordered the killing of former IRGC Quds Force Commander Qasem Soleimani. Earlier this week, media reported that US security officials raised alarms about possible plots against Trump by Iranian agents in the United States.

Rouydad24 also quoted Afqah saying that Iran's next government could curb inflation expectations through diplomacy. However, the question remains: Will Khamenei and other hardliners stay silent if Pezeshkian attempts rapprochement with the United States, and is Pezeshkian capable of pursuing such diplomacy for Iran?

The media have also quoted Republican Vice-Presidential nominee J.D. Vance discussing a tough approach to Iran. However, the next US administration's priority is likely to be addressing the war in Ukraine, with the Iran issue potentially coming later.

Meanwhile, both the media and economists in Iran are pessimistic about the further rise in the inflation rate, estimated to be around 50 percent in the absence of transparent statistics. As Afqah points out, "Pezeshkian cannot make any change in this situation if sanctions are not lifted."