Ten Controversial Issues Raised in Iran's Presidential Debates

His presidency was seen as a sign of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's decision to rid the system of the unpredictability of competitive elections: all moderates and reformists, who had until then been tolerated as ‘opposition’ were disqualified. Raisi was thought to have been chosen to play a significant role in Khamenei's succession plans. But he died in a helicopter crash on May 19, 2024. Snap elections were called, and a ‘reform’ candidate, Masoud Pezeshkian, was surprisingly allowed to run by the un-elected Guardian Council, effectively controlled by Khamenei and tasked to vet candidates.

How come this happened?

Many believe Pezeshkian was included to create a semblance of competition and boost voter turnout, which has dropped to historic lows. In the 2023 parliamentary elections, the officially reported turnout was 41 percent—the lowest since 1979. In major cities like Tehran, turnout was as low as 15 percent, with some candidates entering parliament (Majles) with support from less than 6 percent of eligible voters.

This Friday’s presidential election in Iran is the first one after the “Woman, Life, Freedom” protests of 2021 –the most radical movement since the inception of the Islamic Republic in 1979. The movement reflected a majority demand to live a normal life under a secular government, with respect for human rights, women’s rights, and sensible trade and foreign policies. The election comes after three elections since 2020 in which many former officials were disqualified, and the turnout continually dropped –highlighting an almost complete rupture between the people and the ruling elite.

So it may be that the Supreme Leader felt compelled to let in a more palatable candidate to woo at least some of those who until a few weeks ago seemed like they’d never vote again.

The stage set for a controlled election

Six candidates were approved to compete for the presidency. But the forces at play can be grouped in three: first, those who support the status quo and seek to follow Raisi’s ‘path’; second, the ‘reform’ camp who back Pezeshkian, arguing that he’d be able to effect some change, however minimal; last, those who say Iran’s recent history shows real change cannot come out of the ballot box –and see Pezeshkian’s candidacy as a tactic to hinder more radical protests.

What does each group stand for?

The Principlist camp are hardline supporters of the Supreme Leader and his policies, which were implemented by Raisi. They defend conservative religious and political norms, including mandatory Hijab, and strict control on the press and the internet. Their chances rise as turnout falls, since the loyal supporters of the regime always vote. This group is currently divided into two sub-groups led by Saeed Jalili and Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Iran’s former nuclear negotiator who represents the Supreme Leader in Iran’s National Security Council, and a former IRGC commander who’s now the speaker of the parliament. The two must tap into one broad base of conservative voters –and thus face a dilemma: both share the ‘loyalist’ vote and risk a run-off against Pezeshkian, or one can step aside for the other and hand him the bulk of the ‘loyal’ vote.

The Reformist camp, consistently pushed aside since the election of Mohammad Khatami in 1997, seeks a gradual ‘opening up’ of the system. They say Pezeshkian can implement better economic policies, restrict the morality police, relax censorship, and begin to normalize Iran's relationship with the West. The more radical reformists, however, criticize Pezeshkian for not emphasizing democratic values and instead expressing total obedience to the Supreme Leader at every turn. They warn that Pezeshkian is there only to save face for the regime and his team of conformists and bureaucrats would not move towards the more liberal demands of the Iranian public.

The Boycott camp is the largest of the three groups – 40 to 50 percent of eligible voters, according to semi-official polls. These argue that the president in the Islamic Republic of Iran is proven to be incapable of effecting meaningful change, therefore voting would only amount to partaking in a show that legitimizes a system of oppression. They favor popular mobilization and more radical tactics.

It is safe to say that the outcome of Iran’s 2024 presidential elections ultimately depends on the second group above to persuade the third to show up to keep out the first. It’s the well-known, some may say tired, narrative of bad versus worse. We’ll soon know if it has just enough appeal to work one more time.

The opinions expressed by the author are not necessarily the views of Iran International.

Zakani is the second hardliner to withdraw after Amir-Hossein Ghazizadeh Hashemi announced his resignation on Wednesday. Both candidates had meager chances, scoring less than 5% in several opinion surveys.

Six candidates were initially approved by the un-elected Guardian Council that vets all candidates and operates under the influence of Supreme leader Ali Khamenei.

In a statement on his official X account, Zakani pleaded with fellow hardliner candidates Jalili and Ghalibaf to unite in order to prevent the ascent of a reform-leaning candidate: "We must consolidate our efforts to address the rightful aspirations of revolutionary factions, thereby preventing the formation of another Rouhani administration."

Hardline contenders are wary of Masoud Pezeshkian potentially forming a government akin to a "third Hassan Rouhani administration," foreseeing a cabinet that might include former Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif among its ministers.

Zakani's political trajectory has been marked by controversy, particularly his confrontational approach towards reformists. Despite his assertive rhetoric, he has faced considerable criticism, including from state media, questioning his suitability for higher office.

His tenure as mayor has been fraught with challenges, including contentious urban policies such as mosque constructions in parks and enforcing hijab rules on public transport, which have stirred internal discord within the conservative faction and the city council.

Financial and personal scandals have further marred Zakani's reputation. His administration's decision to allocate financial deposits to municipal managers for housing needs sparked backlash among city council members. Additionally, allegations of nepotism involving his son-in-law and questionable financial dealings by his daughter and her husband with the Islamic Development Organization have surfaced.

A majority of voters, who stayed away from the polls in 2020, 2021 and March 2024 are expected also not to vote on Friday, disillusioned by the leadership of the Islamic government. Successive election in the past 30 years not only have failed to improve the state-controlled economy, but conditions have gradually worsened.

Iran now suffers from an annual inflation rate hovering around 50%, in addition to ever more social and political restrictions on the populace.

Mohammad Khatami and Hassan Rouhani, each leading Iran’s government for two 4-year terms between 1997 and 2021, have come out in support of Masoud Pezeshkian –who has served as Khatami’s Minister for Health.

The two former presidents encouraged Iranians to turn up at the polling stations Friday and use their vote to keep out the hardliners from the executive. Their message stood in stark contrast to that of leading opposition figures who asked people to stay away from the ballot boxes and not recognize the “show” election.

“The most peaceful way to show your opposition to this blatant oppression, and to send the message of “No to the Islamic Republic”, is to boycott the upcoming farce of an election,” said well-known activist and former prisoner Hossein Ronaghi in a video message Wednesday.

Joining Ronaghi’s call from prison was Faezeh Hashemi, former lawmaker and the daughter of another former president, Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. Before her, other voices from inside Iranian prisons had called for a boycott of the election, most notably, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate activist, Narges Mohammadi –who called the election “staged”.

The upcoming presidential election in Iran features five hand-picked insider politicians, after one hardliner, Amir Hossein Ghazizadeh Hashemi, quit the race in support of three other hardliners. The hardline camp are worried that their vote would be divided, allowing the only ‘moderate’, Pezeshkain, to move ahead at the vote.

Existing polls show that at least half the eligible voters may shun the election on Friday. This will be Iran’s first presidential election after the widespread uprising in 2022, in which at least 500 were killed and thousands arrested. Many of those who took to the streets across Iran and bore the brunt of the state’s brutality, have once more turned against the system with their call to boycott the election.

In a joint statement Wednesday, several mothers of slain protesters and dissidents called the upcoming election a "circus" that Iranians have to ignore, focusing instead on other ways to pressure the system to change.

"We will not stop seeking justice until we get our right to try and punish the criminals who innocently executed and shot our children,” they said.

Several student organizations and women's right groups also encouraged Iranians not to vote Friday. Over the weekend, over 500 teachers, union activists, and prominent cultural figures in Iran similarly issued a joint statement publicly declaring their decision to abstain from participating in the upcoming presidential elections.

Under the banner of "The National Network Woman, Life, Freedom Revolution," the groups issued a collective statement, endorsing organized protests targeting the electoral process.

Their initiative included “meeting with families of political prisoners, conducting nighttime chants with slogans in Iran" and advocating for the staging of demonstrations outside of Iranian embassies abroad.

Their objective, they say, is to sustain the movement that was triggered in September 2022 following the death of Mahsa Jina Amini while in the custody of the so-called morality police. The state's subsequent killing of at least 550 protesters during its crackdown has been labeled a crime against humanity by a UN fact-finding mission.

Simultaneously, Iranian Kurdish families, who have lost loved ones as a result of Tehran's suppression of dissent, have also voiced support for the election boycott, denouncing it as a "circus."

“As justice-seeking mothers from Kurdistan, we will persist in our quest for justice until we secure the right to prosecute and punish those who unjustly executed and shot our children. We unequivocally denounce the Iranian regime and reject any participation in what are deemed as mere staged elections,” the families who have lost loved ones during the Woman, Life, Freedom protests said in a statement published on social media.

The upcoming presidential ballot features five hand-picked insider politicians. Experts have often noted that the office of the president holds limited influence over many institutions and critical decisions, which are predominantly shaped by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.

Over the weekend, over 500 teachers, union activists, and prominent cultural figures in Iran similarly issued a joint statement publicly declaring their decision to abstain from participating in the upcoming presidential elections.

In their statement, the signatories emphasized, "Engaging in the electoral process, even under the assumption of a victory by a reformist candidate, is futile and does not offer solutions to ongoing issues. Moreover, it risks legitimizing the government and escalating suppression of dissent and protest. Therefore, we announce our refusal to participate in the presidential elections."

Influential figures have also voiced dissent against Iran's upcoming June 28 snap presidential election. Nobel Peace Prize laureate Narges Mohammadi has criticized the election, calling it a facade orchestrated by an oppressive regime.

Several civil and political activists and unions had already united in support of the boycott.

Sepideh Rashno, a writer and civil activist advocating against mandatory hijab, expressed on her Instagram: "There is no future for Iran and its people under the Islamic Republic. The will and resilience of the people has always driven change."

Goljahan Ashrafpour, mother of Akbar Mohammadi, a student activist who died in prison in 2006, conveyed a message from the hospital urging citizens not to participate in the upcoming elections.

She emphasized that the president “lacked authority” and encouraged people to "stay at home on election day" to avoid endorsing what she referred to as Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's manipulation of the elections.

Atash Shakrami, the aunt of Nika Shakrami, a 16-year-old killed by Iranian security forces during the 2022 nationwide protests, used her Instagram platform to condemn the government and the electoral process. She asserted, "Every government agent's hands are deeply stained with the blood of our nation's youth."

In a series of posts on his X account, Ghazizadeh Hashemi said his decision aims to "consolidate the conservative faction and strengthen their collective chances in the upcoming election."

He threw his support behind his fellow hardline candidates Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Saeed Jalili, and Alireza Zakani, and called for unity among them in the battle against 'pro-reform' candidate Masoud Pezeshkian.

Hashemi emphasized the importance of unity among the "pro-revolution forces", highlighting his commitment to the cause. "I am withdrawing from the race in order to maintain the cohesion of the revolutionary forces and in response to the written request of the Supreme Council of the Revolutionary Forces’ Consensus and some scholars and patriots."

"I hope my three brothers will also unite in the remaining time to strengthen the revolutionary front," he added.

Reflecting on his decision to enter the race, Hashemi said he "intended to defend Ebrahim Raisi's legacy by running in the election."

"I felt that if a representative from the thirteenth government was not among the candidates, the rights of our martyr would not be fulfilled," he added.

Amir-Hossein Ghazizadeh Hashemi is a physician by training. A former member of parliament, he served as a member of its presidium and first deputy speaker. He ran for the presidency in 2021 but lost.

Raisi later named him as a vice president and head of the Martyrs and Veterans Affairs Foundation. This Iranian parastatal foundation is under sanctions for directing financial resources to terrorist organizations, particularly Hezbollah.