Iran’s Ex-President Khatami Implicated In Fatwa Against Rushdie
A new report has revealed that Iran’s former President Mohammad Khatami had a role in issuing the fatwa by Islamic Republic’s founder Rouhollah Khomeini against author Salman Rushdie.
A new report has revealed that Iran’s former President Mohammad Khatami had a role in issuing the fatwa by Islamic Republic’s founder Rouhollah Khomeini against author Salman Rushdie.
According to a report by BBC, Khatami – then a minister -- held a meeting with two Pakistani-British Islamic scholars, Kalim Siddiqui and Ghayasuddin Siddiqui, just hours before Khomeini issued the fatwa, a formal proclamation that called for. Before the February 1989 decree, Iran had largely ignored the Satanic Verses, the controversial book that brought about 30 years of death threats for the novelist.
The two Sunni clerics had arrived at Tehran’s Mehrabad Airport to get home to the UK after attending a conference in the Iranian capital to mark a decade since the country's Islamic Revolution. Inside the airport, they bumped into Khatami -- who asked to have a private word with Kalim. "They went to a corner and chatted," Ghayasuddin later explained in the BBC's 2009 documentary, recounting that "He (Khatami) was asking my view about Salman Rushdie - and I told him, 'You know, something drastic has to happen.'"
Khatami then met with Khomeini, and a few hours later the fatwa was issued, not only against Rushdie but also its publishers, editors and translators, reportedly without Khomeini even reading the novel. "I call on all valiant Muslims wherever they may be in the world to kill them without delay" it read.
Kalim later said he believed he may have been "partially responsible" for the fatwa. In 2019, Ed Husain, a writer on religion and extremism, said that Khomeini had not been minded to do anything about Rushdie; it had been the British imam who had urged the autocratic political and religious leader that he "must do something for the Muslims".
Since 1940s Iran has launched 11 plans to build infrastructure, establish key industries, expand public services and education. Five plans were launched under the monarchy until 1979, and six during the Islamic Republic. Nevertheless, Iran is still considered a developing country.
There are a few reasons for this. The revolutionary chaos of the early 1980s, immediately followed by the 8-year Iran-Iraq war that caused hundreds of thousands of casualties derailed Iran from its modernization trajectory.
Also, the Islamic government, built on an anti-Western ideology engaged in hostage taking and supporting militant groups from its very inception. This kept Iran isolated from advanced economies. Inefficiency of successive clerical governments during the past four decades, and many years of international sanctions that have crippled the country's economy, were added to the adverse factors.
For longer than a decade, governments have not been able to carry out any meaningful development plans as sanctions and growing corruption kept the economic growth rate at around zero.
Economic development until the 1979 revolution
In an interview, Fathollah Aghasizadeh, the author of the book Seventy Years of Planning for Development in Iran, told Khabar Online website in Tehran on Saturday offered his expert views about the failures of developmental plans.
Interestingly, he had words of praise for the pre-revolution plan during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi.
Aghasizadeh said in the interview that Iran's initial development plans which started in 1949 were successful partly because the country's -then- newly established Planning Organization was genuinely interested in furthering development plans.The powerful organization operated independent of the prime ministerial bureaucracy and was directly accountable to the Shah.
With focused governance and rising oil prices in the 1970s Iran was perhaps the best placed country in the region to take the next leap, just as South Korea did in the following two decades. Economic development was taking place and per capita income was rising until the 1979 revolution.
Success with development plans
The outcome of the first two development plans included major projects such as several dams, fertilizer production companies, the construction of some 11,000 kilometers of railways, the Mehrabad Airport as well as several garment factories, sugar mills and cement production companies. At that time, Iran was not a rich oil exporter. It was still a poor country, getting a small share of the oil income from the British who controlled the industry.
Another reason for the success, according to Aghasizadeh, was the authority and independence of the organization and its chairmen, particularly Abolhassan Ebtehaj who was chairman after 1954. Ebtehaj left the post in 1958 when his powers were curtailed by the Prime Minister's Office. Later Ebtehaj wrote in his memoires that he got his mandate from the Shah and his mission was to make sure that no one other than himself would have access to the oil income set aside of infrastructural development.
Aghasizadeh says that evidence supports the fact that Ebtehaj was directly backed by the Shah. Even the Islamic Majles acknowledged in a 2010 report that "The Shah personally backed the development efforts."
The expert said that as the organization lost its authority, its success began to diminish, and development plans were changed into comprehensive plans that lacked focus. However, Aghasizadeh said he is not sure whether the current development plans could be effective. "They have very little if any achievement and the country can do without them," he added.
Post-revolution developmental plans
He agreed with Khabar Online that post-revolution development plans reflect Iranian politicians wishful thinking rather than the country's needs. "Plans are no longer written to be executed," he said, adding that institution such as the parliament and the Expediency Council also try to reflect the country's general [ideological] orientation in the new development plans. Meanwhile, he added that governments in the Islamic Republic are more interested in long-term plans that cannot be effective in Iran.
He did not say why, but it appears that politicians' short-sightedness, and the transitional nature of presidential governments, each representing a different faction in the Islamic system, derail their own long-term plans. On the other hand, it appears that the plans with ill-defined objectives provide a better situation for corrupt politicians who block inspections and spend the money for unrelated projects where their allies can enrich themselves.
Aghasizadeh said that Iranians cannot expect much from the 7th development plan for similar reasons as the government is barely taking care of the nation's day to day business amid sanctions and a perpetual economic crisis.
Like India, Iran should turn to one-year developmental plans, Aghasizadeh believes, or plans for a maximum of four years. This gives officials a better chance to follow up on the successful parts of their plans. At the same time, their expectations from each plan is well defined and objective.
According to Swedish newspaper Expressen, the Stockholm District Court began Thursday planning for a meeting with the prosecutors and defense attorneys for the upcoming trial.
The details of the case against them are not very transparent as prosecutors Per Lindqvist and Mats Ljungqvist have commented very little on the substance of the allegations. Formal charges against the two are expected in the coming months and their trial will not be open to the public. Both brothers’ lawyers have so far maintained that their clients are innocent.
Both brothers, who were born in Iran but came to Sweden as children in 1994, are accused of spying activity from March of 2011 until their arrest in September and November of last year, and are currently kept in strict isolation at the Kronoberg prison.
The Swedish paper did not mention their names but earlier reports at the time of their arrest disclosed their identities as Peyman Kia, now 42 years old, and his brother Payam, who is 35 years old.
The older brother of the pair is said to have worked as an investigator and spent time in the Security Police (SÄPO) as well as working for military intelligence and the Office for Special Acquisition (KSI), one of Sweden’s most secretive intelligence agencies. The younger brother has also worked for SÄPO for a brief period.
Tensions are relatively high between Iran and Sweden over a Swedish court’s sentencing of former Iranian jailor Hamid Nouri to life imprisonment over executions of political prisoners in 1988.
